Saturday, February 28, 2024

Port Royal Damage Serious, Raises Maintenance Concerns

The USS Port Royal (CG 73) grounding is going to be expensive, at least I expect it to be. There are a lot of things that can get damaged when a ship goes aground, and tries to pull itself off the coral reef several days in row. A lot of the damage being reported by Navy Times in this article makes sense, but some of the damage bothers me a bit.
The hatches of the forward and aft vertical launch cells, which hold Port Royal’s arsenal of missiles, were damaged as the ship’s hull rolled and flexed with the waves.

The antennae and other equipment on the ship’s mast endured “severe shock” as the ship rolled on its reef. The shocks also affected the alignment of Port Royal’s Aegis radar arrays and other sensitive gear, costing the ship the use of its Aegis sensors as well as its ballistic-missile defense capability.
The VLS damage has me wondering if we are seeing an unfortunate side effect of VLS as opposed to rail launcher system, and I would appreciate some expert opinions on this. VLS is very economical for space, and allows the Navy to increase the weapon payload of our ships. Will this make opening all the VLS hatches a standard procedure for future groundings? Would we have seen a similar problem with a rail system? Shock and buckling from a ship being flexed isn't unique to being grounding, the effect of many weapon systems hitting a ship would produce the same effect.

The the article goes on to note something I had previously missed.
After the grounding, all surface ships were tasked with completing a series of internal reviews by Feb. 27, in a safety standdown ordered by Naval Surface Force commander Vice Adm. D.C. Curtis. The review was prompted by the cruiser mishap and the loss of a sailor during a boat-lowering operation in the Middle East earlier that week.

The crews of other ships have watched with trepidation to see how much money it would take to repair the Port Royal, said a second retired cruiser captain. The unexpected repair bill could get so high that it could draw money from other ships, forcing them to scale back or postpone scheduled maintenance.

A further complication was a Feb. 2 order — which came three days before the Port Royal grounding — that froze all maintenance spending for surface ships. The Navy had deferred about $450 million in payments, but Navy spokesmen would not say why.
With INSURV information being classified, it sure becomes easier for the Navy to conceal any side effects that come from deferring $450 million in maintenance spending for surface ships. I believe the current CG and DDG forces are the most important ships to the future Navy, particularly now that the Navy intends for them to serve 40 years. The material condition of those ships matters a great deal, and preventing the public from knowing the material condition of our ships with INSURV information insures that we do not get valid information that results from policy changes related to maintenance funding.

The bigger problem is Congress doesn't get good information either. Lets face it, unless they ask for it specifically, they will be unfortunate victims of the 'failed to mention that' syndrome that always trumps full disclosure.

5th Fleet Focus: Order of Battle

Theodore Roosevelt Carrier Strike Group

USS Theodore Roosevelt (CVN 71)
USS Monterey (CG 61) (CTF-151)
USS The Sullivans (DDG 68)
USS Mason (DDG 87)
USS Nitze (DDG 94)
USNS Supply (T-AOE 6)


Iwo Jima Expeditionary Strike Group

USS Iwo Jima (LHD 7)
USS San Antonio (LPD 17)
USS Carter Hall (LSD 50)
USS Vella Gulf (CG 72) (CTF-151)
USS Roosevelt (DDG 80)
USS Ramage (DDG 61)
USS Hartford (SSN 768)


EU NAVFOR

HS Psara (F454) - Command
FGS Rheinland-Pfalz (F 209)
FS Floréal (F730)
FS Commandant Ducuing (F795)
HMS Northumberland (F238)
SPS Victoria (F 82)


In Theater

Ocean 6
HDMS Absalon (L16) (CTF-151)
RFS Admiral Vinogradov (DDG 572)
FGS Mecklenburg-Vorpommern (F 218)
FS Jeanne d'Arc (R97)
FS Georges Leygues (D640)
FS Jean-de-Vienne (D643)
FS La Boudeuse (P683)
FS Var (A608)
FS Saphir (S602)
TCG Giresun (F 491) (CTF-151)
HMS Portland (F79) (CTF-151)
HMS Richmond (F239)
HMAS Warramunga (FFH 152)
KD Sri Inderapura (L 1505)
KD Lekiu (F30)
KD Sri Indera Sakti (A1503)
KD Mahawangsa (A1504)
INS Tabar (F44)
INS Beas (F24)
HMS Al Riyadh (812) (RSNF)
HMS Makkah (814) (RSNF)
HMS Al Dammal (816) (RSNF)
RBNS Sabha (FFG 90)
PLAN Haikou (D171)
PLAN Wuhan (D169)
PLAN Weishanhu (A887)
USS Mahan (DDG 72) (CTF-151)
USS Milius (DDG 69)
USS Scout (MCM 8)
USS Gladiator (MCM 11)
USS Ardent (MCM 12)
USS Dexterous (MCM 13)
USS Typhoon (PC 5)
USS Sirocco (PC 6)
USS Chinook (PC 9)
USS Firebolt (PC 10)
USS Whirlwind (PC 11)
USCGC Baranof (WPB 1318)
USCGC Maui (WPB 1304)
USCGC Adak (WPB 1333)
USCGC Aquidneck (WPB 1309)
USCGC Wrangell (WPB 1332)
USCGC Monomoy (WPB 1326)
HMS Atherstone (M38)
HMS Chiddingfold (M37)
HMS Grimsby (M108)
HMS Pembroke (M107)
USNS Tippecanoe (T-AO 199)
USNS Lewis and Clark (T-AKE 1)
USNS Catawba (T-ATF 168)
RFA Wave Knight (A386)
RFA Diligence (A132)
RFA Cardigan Bay (L3009)
JS Ariake (DD 109)
JS Towada (AOE 422)

Twitter Comment Thread

Twitter log from the previous week.
# @jedpc I fixed the template in my code, was an rss issue, but apparently the broken templates create some back end problem on blogger. 8:12 PM Feb 26th from web in reply to jedpc

# @jedpc Blogger has been tinkering with the backend code of my blog template. Every once in awhile that happens. 8:11 PM Feb 26th from web in reply to jedpc

# @drewconway Which is why when I see over optimistic predictions, which is what the FY10 budget projects in out years... raise red flags. 3:01 PM Feb 26th from web in reply to drewconway

# @drewconway Because fiscal irresponsibility of that magnitude represents a long term, very real existential threat to this country. 1:08 PM Feb 26th from web in reply to drewconway

# Anyone under the age of 40 not seriously concerned about their future is a fool. http://tinyurl.com/ckn48p 11:19 AM Feb 26th from web

# Arm yourself for the 'hard choices' debate when it comes to the DoD. http://tinyurl.com/bp7g3u 12:54 AM Feb 26th from web

# @selil I 'believe' Eucalyptus does, I think Xen would have to be tweaked for interface but should be capable 10:34 PM Feb 24th from web in reply to selil

# @selil would an Eucalyptus model with a custom VM front end work for your purposes? 9:29 PM Feb 24th from web in reply to selil

# @selil I could write an essay on your cloud post. Interesting, but limited application due to requirement of host processor standardization. 4:01 PM Feb 24th from web

# @US_EUCOM The Coast Guard is way ahead of everyone else. Start here and follow the evolution. http://tinyurl.com/5br5jx 1:39 PM Feb 24th from web in reply to US_EUCOM

# @BostonMaggie I ordered from the best: Gambinos! http://tinyurl.com/cdtokq 12:35 PM Feb 24th from web in reply to BostonMaggie

# King Cake at work was a hit, as it is every year. I just wish the people who find the baby every year understood what it means 9:11 AM Feb 24th from web

# hehe spelling is fundamental - Who's next to fight pirates? South Africa http://tinyurl.com/b7j29c 10:33 PM Feb 23rd from web

# Whose next to fight pirates? South Africa http://tinyurl.com/b7j29c 10:32 PM Feb 23rd from web

# @flynavy Don't get caught up in the tools, it is never about a specific tool, rather the function a tool is intend to provide-to communicate 10:03 PM Feb 23rd from web in reply to flynavy

# @flynavy silly brown shoe, new media is about connecting horizontally via any medium. Tools are for enabling access, not the end state. 10:00 PM Feb 23rd from web in reply to flynavy

# @NavyCS Unlikely in this lifetime. 3:49 PM Feb 23rd from web in reply to NavyCS

# @NavalWarCollege Why would you post a link to a subscription website with social media? Its like telling the whole world what they cant read 3:41 PM Feb 23rd from web in reply to NavalWarCollege

# @southcomwatch What are the chances I can get an interview with someone in SOUTHCOM about this? http://tinyurl.com/b43zl3 3:37 PM Feb 23rd from web in reply to southcomwatch

# @flynavy I am very excited to see that there are Navy folks engaged in Social Media. Send me an email sometime and I'll make you famous :) 3:36 PM Feb 23rd from web in reply to flynavy

# ABC News: If Darth Vader drove a boat, it might look like this. http://tinyurl.com/adedy 910:45 AM Feb 23rd from web

# Rising DoD healthcare costs pose an ‘existential’ threat to the nation’s defense posture? http://tinyurl.com/bay9tx 10:31 AM Feb 23rd from web

# @CalvinFoster I'm from Arkansas. Once a hog fan, always a hog fan. Long way from NY 9:47 AM Feb 23rd from web in reply to CalvinFoster

# @AFPAA RT:Navy and Social Media: Advise them to engage. Believe what you say and say what you believe. new media is not a press release. 9:46 AM Feb 23rd from web in reply to AFPAA

# 75000+ DWT ship hijacked while under EU escort off Somalia http://tinyurl.com/b27pb4 9:42 AM Feb 23rd from web

# Arkansas Razorbacks and the US Naval Academy. Two of my favorite topics. http://tinyurl.com/dbtgmy11:06 PM Feb 22nd from web

# India raises defense budget by 34%. Call it the "Mumbai Stimulus!" http://tinyurl.com/ady37a 10:28 PM Feb 22nd from web

# France, Djibouti, and Yemen soon to sign strategic agreement to fight pirates. http://tinyurl.com/bzn78p 10:28 PM Feb 22nd from web
Add Galrahn to your Twitter account here. Add Galrahn's Twitter account to your RSS feed here. This post is the new Twitter comment thread. The link to the Twitter comment thread is below the Twitter entries on the right side of the blog.

Friday, February 27, 2024

Darkness Falls on Fleet Condition Information

This report from Navy Times is not good news for either analysts or the suspicious at heart. While the ongoing condition of the fleet is important enough information for the effectiveness and feasibility of any Maritime Strategy, the real worry here is that information on program success will be more difficult for analysts and policymakers to obtain and use in open debate over shipbuilding and strategy. For example, the recent information on the results of inspections of LPD-17 following its highly-publicized problems. Or information on how well the LCS prototypes withstand a year or two of steaming at sea - something that will have critical implications for the potential success or failure of the program. It's difficult to see how this information is suddenly more national-security relevant than it has been in recent times - deployment of U.S. Navy assets on a non-surge basis isn't that difficult to track, and the only issue I can possibly come up with on the external threat side is that an opponent concerned with our ship movements over a period of months or years might gain information which would help them plan procurements or deployments. But, again, given the preponderance of power in the U.S. Fleet right now, I'm of the opinion that the Navy's internal problems (budgeting, shipbuilding, etc.) are of far more concern to 'get right' than the incremental amount of information on operations that this might expose. If there are professionals out there who disagree with me, I'd be eager to learn why I'm wrong.

UPDATE: As usual, someone on the USNI Blog has a better post than me on this same subject. Thanks to Defense Springboard for a zingier screed.

Beware of Hackers in Uniform

When discussing IT security, you have probably heard about "black hat" and "white hat," but have you ever heard of red cell and blue cell?

Return Of The "Naval News"

For those of you that have missed it, I've resumed my daily (work permitting) summary of naval news, with more content to cover a broadened view of the day-to-day implementation of the Maritime Strategy.

Click here for today's entry, and check in every day (or just be lazy and get the feed).

"COIN" Means More Than Countersurgency Today

A few years ago, the Center for American Progress appeared to me to retool their national security research to focus almost exclusively on the two wars in Iraq and Afghanistan. As a business decision, it was unfortunate, due primarily to the unexpected success of the surge which in general the organization opposed, but also because the quality of analysis for DoD policy in virtually every area but the war dropped off shortly afterward.

However, despite their opposition to the surge, what has come about over time as the surge was successful was excellent analysis by CAP of conditions on the ground in both theaters, and the quality of their research for both wars has led to CAP being well positioned to offer the administration insight and advice towards political policy related to both war theaters. It will take the organization awhile to retool their national security research towards being able to offer insightful DoD policy for awhile, but with the withdrawal of forces from Iraq and a strategic review currently taking place in Afghanistan, CAP still offers some of the highest quality analysis regarding the conditions in both wars.

Peter Juul, Research Associate at the Center for American Progress Action Fund, has put up an excellent contribution regarding the context and options being weighed in the Iraq pullout debate over at Wonk Room. My position is to support whatever President Obama decides to do, because he has the best information available from the Generals on the ground, but I think this analysis frames well the challenges in context involved in the various choices.

I originally intended to post and focus solely on Peter Juul's contribution, which is very good, but then the first commenter, Cernig of Newshoggers came along... and I simply can't ignore this.
This also leads us into another subject ignored by Ricks and all the COIN enthusiasts in the military. Although most would agree that the nation building/reconstruction/aid & assistance portion of modern integrated COIN thinking are a handy tool to have around, there are still some of us (a bipartisan some, at that) who don’t think it’s a great idea to centralize and institutionalize it in the military.

What the CNAS neo-liberal shadow-pentagon doesn’t point out is that COIN is only useful if you’re occupying somewhere (usually somewhere you invaded) - and the more useful it is the more temptation there will be to do just that. Since when has having a better (non- nuclear) weapon led to inclinations not to use it? It’s akin to suggesting that tazers are better because they’re less lethal, but that moreover that no-one will use them over-zealously or against innocent targets.

I’d rather there was a “wingtips on the ground” element, utterly divorced from the military, that could move in and do USAID properly in allied 3rd world nations that don’t have security problems and therefore where no COIN operations are required. If needs, and with effort, that capability could then be mobilized in a COIN occupation setting. But welding the two together at the hip from the get-go is “white man’s burden” thinking if you’ve already conceded, as the new Government COIN guide does, that you’re looking to future venues rather than just Iraq and Afghanistan.
If we are going to move into another subject debate, I'll address this argument. I believe the common use of the word "COIN" has come to mean multiple things, and perhaps we need a better term. I prefer peacemaking, but small wars and SYSADMIN are also terms used to describe the strategic tenets behind the use of COIN in a strategic discussion.

Counterinsurgency (COIN) is but one tactical application of a broader strategic concept of peacemaking emerging from the DoD COIN strategic view in the 21st century, but the term is used in discussion as both COIN at the tactical level and COIN as a strategic concept. I disagree with the commenter, I believe it is critical to the future successful application of military power to centralize and institutionalize peacemaking into the military, because the long term benefits well outweigh the short term pains of change.

We are seeing two very different rapidly evolving strategic theories for the application of military power in the 21st century, and both have proven successful at the strategic level.

The warfighting strategic theory applies less manpower, leverages unmanned systems, sophisticated distributed intelligent networks, and seeks superiority in air/space/sea/cyberspace. Military power then saturates the battle space with surveillance capabilities for supporting mobility centric land warfare forces intended to concentrate precision fires on the enemy. A warfighting strategic approach is more effective when the rules of engagement are less restrictive.

The peacemaking strategic theory leverages military power with greater levels of manpower in association with a whole of government approach for construction and development, aid and assistance, and most importantly the constitution of security at the local population level towards the development of credible governance that can apply the rule of law; a condition set requirement for the development of local economic capacity with the intent of establishing stability. A peacemaking strategic approach is more effective when the rules of engagement are more restrictive.

The reason I believe it is important to centralize and institutionalize peacemaking into the military services is because just as we export our credible and capable warfighting capability as an application of political policy towards the elimination of existing threats to national security; we must also develop the capability to export a credible and capable peacemaking capability as an application of political policy to prevent the development of emerging threats to national security.

When I speak of exporting security to other countries, it should be noted the DoD already does this today with security cooperation engagements. What is missing though are strategic theories on how to do this as part of a strategic application of peacetime military power. While I can't speak for the land forces, allow me to suggest an example that could be applied to the Navy.

In Bob Works recent CSBA report (PDF) he suggests we build 4 Littoral Combat Ships every year indefinitely and after a specific period of time, we simply retire the ships and give them away. Part of this model is to apply an evolution model to the platform to slowly grow it into exactly the capabilities we need as we develop lessons of fast, modular vessels with a lot of room for space. However, the other side of this proposal is to have credible naval vessels ready to be essentially given to other nations as a long term strategic approach towards building regional security in nations that otherwise cannot afford to build their own credible maritime security forces. As a platform that requires a small crew, and by delivering the platform with a static single mission profile instead of as a modular system, the ship can be operated at lower costs and perform the local security function in developing countries.

It is a really smart idea, and while there is room for debate whether the LCS is the right platform or not, the concept is what is important. Essentially the idea is to develop a capability to export security towards the strategic concept of peacemaking, the intent to develop security capabilities at the local level overseas and once these security forces are developed, essentially give them the tools necessary to utilize their security skills towards contributing to a distributed regional security network. I have a similar theory inspired by Bob Work I'll pitch on the blog next week, but I note the core concept of exporting a peacemaking strategic concept is similar and rooted in the same fundamental strategic theories discussed in the COIN debates.

The fundamental requirement to insure regional security is why the DoD must play a central, even if often a subordinate role in the development of our national strategic approach of soft power. It isn't enough to simply deliver humanitarian and medical assistance to a region struggling from violence, security conditions must also be influenced positively and the core application of COIN theories in this regard is the development of security through local populations.

Preventing war through the export of security is central to the strategic application of emerging COIN theory, which is why it is fundamentally inaccurate to suggest "COIN is only useful if you’re occupying somewhere." At the strategic level the application of COIN theories scale horizontally to all the services and offer a broad strategic blueprint towards peacemaking and preventing war in the 21st century.

The Downdraft Could Do What?

The Marine Corp Times has been running regular articles about the upcoming Osprey deployment on the USS Bataan (LHD 5). I read articles like this because I guess I'm kind of caught up in the unique nature of the Osprey.

I want to believe in tilt rotor technology and I love the specifications of the Osprey on paper, but I'm too familiar with the history not to be a skeptic. The MV-22 is certainly expensive, but considering how much sunk costs there is in this platform, it would be a terrible waste not to get as much out of the R&D already spent.

However, in reading the article I came across something that, well...
But the aircraft’s power creates unexpected challenges.

For example, Kouskouris said flight deck operators are reluctant to land an Osprey next to smaller helicopters such as the AH-1 Super Cobra or the UH-1 Huey because the tilt rotors’ massive downdraft could blow the smaller aircraft off a deck spot. He has formally asked for this restriction to be included in the Osprey’s future training programs.
Say what? Is this a potential tactic I wonder? Could an Osprey be cruising along at 14,000 ft, spot a SUV of bad guys, switch on the tilt rotor and swoop down close to the ground and actually flip the SUV with the downdraft? Then land, jump out with some Marines, grab the bad guys, and zoom away.

I don't know, I don't hang around helicopters but maybe once a year, and I've never seen an Osprey, but that paragraph just kinda jumped off the page. It sounds like that could be a problem, and it probably isn't going to sit well with some people if a H-1 does end up blown off a ship.

It has been suggested we will likely soon learn a lot about the Osprey because it may get a chance to prove itself in Afghanistan. The same article goes on to note another Osprey specific operational issue.
The speed and range also raise new questions for Marine strategists. The old CH-46s typically flew ashore with close-air support from the Cobras and Hueys. But those smaller, slower helicopters can’t keep up with the Ospreys on long-haul missions.

Marines said some options for providing Ospreys with close-air support include:
  • Using AV-8B Harriers, which are fast enough to keep up with the Ospreys and can provide fire support.
  • Flying the Hueys or Cobras first so they’ll show up at the same time as the faster-moving Ospreys.
  • Pre-positioning the smaller, slower aircraft on a ship closer to shore so they have less distance to travel and can arrive simultaneously with the Osprey.
When I talked to General Conway last year, I asked him if he could describe what the MV-22 / F-35B capability will allow the Marines to do. I wrote down that he said "It will give us the capability to reach out a very long distance and get to a lot of places very quickly, a unique capability that Marines have never had before from sea."

Future Surface Combatants: A Royal Navy View

A new article was released by the Royal United Services Institute on Thursday titled FUTURE SURFACE COMBATANTS: A Military and Industrial Challenge By Commodore Steve Brunton.

I found it an interesting read on the Royal Navy struggling with challenges that sound very familiar. This is the forward:
Appointed as Director Equipment Capability (Above Water Effect) (DEC AWE) in July 2007, Steve Brunton is the UK MoD’s Director responsible for complex warships and their associated systems. At the RUSI Maritime Conference in June 2008, he set out the future challenge of delivering and sustaining the Future Surface Combatants for the Royal Navy. This article brings his presentation up-to-date and sets out the challenges for the UK MoD, Royal Navy and industry in delivering this essential capability.
Read the article from the link provided here.

Observing Brazil's Submarine Construction Issues

This is an interesting side effect of the global economic crisis.
Brazil’s plan to build five submarines in cooperation with France may be jeopardized as the global financial crisis undercuts access to credit, Folha de Sao Paulo said, citing unidentified navy officials.

Brazil is seeking 8.5 billion reais ($3.6 billion) for the project announced last year to build one nuclear-powered and four diesel-powered submarines, the newspaper reported.
It is interesting that Brazil is starting their naval modernization underwater, but not surprising. Brazil is a rising economy, and a potential great power later in this century (so some say). Most people don't know that Brazil in 2008 actually had a larger economy by GDP than Canada, India, Australia, and South Korea... ranking #10 in total GDP globally.

The model of building the submarine forces up first is essentially right out of the playbook of other rising economic powers as they began building naval forces. China and India are both good examples, but even with all of the economic trouble Russia has had since the cold war, Russia never gave up their submarine industry.

The nuclear submarine is being developed primarily for national prestige purposes, although the most cited reason by political officials is to protect offshore oil discoveries. Regardless, Brazil is the only country in the southern hemisphere to be developing a nuclear submarine, and there is a lot of water in the southern hemisphere...

and in the opinion of some, a lot of untapped energy.

Navy CIO and New Media

The Navy is set to release an outline of information technology security priorities in March called the Computer Defense Roadmap. The intent is to influence research and development efforts to get better security tools. Washington Technology fills in some details.
“We’re trying to drive a little bit of the R&D spending, but not for things that will take two or three years to sort out,” he said.

The Navy’s needs are immediate, Carey said.

The security needs are at the individual user level, the network level, the data level and the Global Information Grid level, he said.

Some of the specific technologies include identity management, privacy and encryption.

A piece of advice he had for companies trying to sell to the Navy is to explain how their technology will fit with the Navy’s strategy. “I want to know what brick in the wall you can be,” he said.
Privacy and encryption will be the easier part, but identity management is never easy. I've done 3 major 20K+ user enterprise IM implementations, and none of them went as advertised. If you think it is a real pain in the ass to have a bunch of passwords, several of which you use infrequently, IM will fix that problem. It is a big pain in the IT staff ass to get there though, so be nice to your IT admins during the early implementation phases.

The article goes on to discuss new media.
Carey supports the use of Web 2.0 technologies and collaboration, but said there is a need to balance access with security.

“We have to embrace the net, but we have to embrace security,” Carey said.
Note the word access. This one sentence isn't much to work with, but for those who aren't aware, Robert Carey also operates a DON CIO Blog. His latest post is specific to Embracing Social Networking Tools and there is a lot of good content in the post... this part stood out though.
So what is the real purpose of these tools? What are the benefits? What business problems do they solve? Ultimately, do these investments provide value? I believe they do.

Why do I say that? A few reasons: These tools are fundamental to collaboration. They have the potential to leverage the collective wisdom of this 750,000+ member Department. How many times do we seek someone with specific knowledge in order to complete a task or a project? Unfortunately, we do not always know where to begin that search because our visibility is limited.

These tools provide the basis for searching the intellectual capacity of our people and facilitate our ability to make connections to solve real problems.
The idea behind that last sentence is very smart. Different tools do different things. For example, the reason I'm liking Twitter so far is because it has given me access to new and interesting people, and opens up doors for me to make horizontal connections into new networks for increasing my ability to collect and identify useful information quicker. Twitter is limited, so as a specific tool it only enables access, but I can connect with email for collaboration. Different tools serve different purposes.

Inside large enterprises there are few examples where social media tools are valuable for building internal collaboration, rather I tend to see more community oriented collaboration tools like Community Server or Wiki. However, in building information and networking strategies, the current trend is towards new media tools like blogging, Twitter, and YouTube.

It really isn't about the tools though. I would encourage the Navy to avoid beginning the discussion regarding new media by talking about the tools, because as we all know our technology tool kits evolve quickly. The Navy should begin by discussing what they intend to do, and go from there.

Does the Navy want to network internally or externally? Who is your target audience? What is it the Navy wants to accomplish? If the DoD takes a toolkit approach to new media, they will fail miserably wasting money and people's time in the process. In fact, there is a good case that some of the efforts I see by official Navy on Twitter today is a waste of time and money, but others like @flyboy are very interesting because they actually have an appealing brand they present in a unique brand through the medium: Naval Aviation.

No one develops a business plan based on tools though, there must be an end to strategy in order for the ways and means to be understood for purpose, thus effective.

Thursday, February 26, 2024

Shockingly Dumb

Are you kidding me? How can anyone defend this? This would be a 16% increase in the national debt... in a single year. Make sure you take a hard look at that graph, that bar on the right isn't a border, it is part of the graph.
President Obama’s new budget blueprint estimates a stunning deficit of $1.75 trillion for the current fiscal year, which began five months ago, then lays out a wrenching change of course as he seeks to fund his own priorities while stanching the flow of red ink.
Hard choices? The allowance for public dishonesty by these folks is scary. This isn't fiscal discipline, this is blatant disregard of the entire concept of a budget. How in the world can people claim to be fixing an economic problem when these folks appear to have no apparent understanding regarding the value of money?

This would represent the biggest existential threat to my future that I have faced in my lifetime, and a self imposed existential threat to our country, make no mistake about that. Who could possibly come to the conclusion this is responsible governance?

Feng was right.

And the happy face stickers and ferrydust needed to make the all positive assumptions in this document is astounding. The disregard for responsibility and fiscal discipline is shocking.

With this kind of blatant disregard for the value of money, it will raise the question what the value of US money actually is. Ultimately, the answer is nothing, and inflation will sink the future.

Observing Hard Choices and Fiscal Reality in DoD Budget Discussions

Barack Obama's comments on Tuesday night regarding his strategic vision for the Department of Defense. The following is from the transcript of Obama’s Tuesday night speech.
Finally, because we’re also suffering from a deficit of trust, I am committed to restoring a sense of honesty and accountability to our budget. That is why this budget looks ahead ten years and accounts for spending that was left out under the old rules - and for the first time, that includes the full cost of fighting in Iraq and Afghanistan. For seven years, we have been a nation at war. No longer will we hide its price.

We are now carefully reviewing our policies in both wars, and I will soon announce a way forward in Iraq that leaves Iraq to its people and responsibly ends this war.

And with our friends and allies, we will forge a new and comprehensive strategy for Afghanistan and Pakistan to defeat al Qaeda and combat extremism. Because I will not allow terrorists to plot against the American people from safe havens half a world away.

As we meet here tonight, our men and women in uniform stand watch abroad and more are readying to deploy. To each and every one of them, and to the families who bear the quiet burden of their absence, Americans are united in sending one message: we honor your service, we are inspired by your sacrifice, and you have our unyielding support. To relieve the strain on our forces, my budget increases the number of our soldiers and Marines. And to keep our sacred trust with those who serve, we will raise their pay, and give our veterans the expanded health care and benefits that they have earned.

To overcome extremism, we must also be vigilant in upholding the values our troops defend - because there is no force in the world more powerful than the example of America. That is why I have ordered the closing of the detention center at Guantanamo Bay, and will seek swift and certain justice for captured terrorists - because living our values doesn’t make us weaker, it makes us safer and it makes us stronger. And that is why I can stand here tonight and say without exception or equivocation that the United States of America does not torture.

In words and deeds, we are showing the world that a new era of engagement has begun. For we know that America cannot meet the threats of this century alone, but the world cannot meet them without America. We cannot shun the negotiating table, nor ignore the foes or forces that could do us harm. We are instead called to move forward with the sense of confidence and candor that serious times demand.

To seek progress toward a secure and lasting peace between Israel and her neighbors, we have appointed an envoy to sustain our effort. To meet the challenges of the 21st century - from terrorism to nuclear proliferation; from pandemic disease to cyber threats to crushing poverty - we will strengthen old alliances, forge new ones, and use all elements of our national power.
Navy Times is reporting the Obama administration is expected to announce the Pentagon's top line budget for the next 10 years will be pegged at $537 billion adjusted only for inflation. The DoD top line budget was $512.7 billion in FY2009, so the 2010 figure of the Obama administration represents a 3% increase from last year. On top of $537 billion top line DoD budget for FY2010, the Obama administration intends to seek $75.5 billion in supplemental funding to cover war costs through the rest of 2009, and the budget estimate for war costs in 2010 is $130 billion. For comparison purposes, the war costs in 2008 were $182 billion. To date, $66 billion of supplemental funding has been provided for 2009, so adding in an additional $75.5 billion makes the 2009 estimate $141.5 billion.

The question is, how do we look at these numbers. It is inaccurate to add the baseline fiscal year budget and the supplemental budgets for totals, because the fiscal year budget ends on September 30th, while the supplemental budgets run until December 31st. This makes it very difficult to determine how much the actual operational cost of war and the DoD operational cost of business is, but we can do some estimating. The supplemental funding for the war in 2008 was $182 billion. The supplemental funding for the war in 2009 is estimated to be $141.5 billion. If we take 1 quarter from 2008 we get $45.5 billion, and three quarters from 2009 gives us $106.13 billion. Add in the FY2009 budget of $512.7 billion, and the defense budget for FY 2009 is actually somewhere around $664.33 billion.

That number is very important, because it not only describes how much money it costs to run the Department of Defense, but it also accounts for the amount of money our nation must spend in order to execute the political policies tasked to the DoD. Everyone who reads this blog should already be aware that since the cold war, there has been a steady increase, not decrease of operational demands on the DoD. With the current issue of Foreign Policy describing the emerging environment as the Axis of Upheaval, with the CIA now giving intelligence briefings to the President that include global economic conditions, and with John McCain giving his latest "We can't afford to lose" speech, this time for Afghanistan; the global security environment of the incoming Obama administration looking forward appears to be at least as uncertain as the Clinton or Bush administrations when they entered office.

I for one am very happy to see Barack Obama discussing the need for tough choices, because I think the first choice to look into is whether the Bush administration policy to increase the size of the Army and Marines was a smart choice. The Bush administration plans to permanently increase the active-duty end strength of the Army by 65,000 and the Marine Corps by 27,000 troops was done in large part based on expectations that the US would continue a policy of large scale troop deployments in major land operations. According to some estimates, this increase of troop strength is expected to add about $100 billion to the cost of the DoD budget over the next six years.

A modest 3% increase in the defense budget does not seem to account for that, but Barack Obama seems intent on continuing that Bush administration policy. That suggests defense procurement costs will be cut. While there is lots of noise about the good things that could come from the Levin-McCain initiative (PDF), and I agree success in those efforts can be helpful, Barack Obama is absolutely wrong if he is talking about defense when he says "This is America. We don’t do what’s easy. We do what’s necessary." The fact is, if we are going to have a realistic debate on Defense costs, then both Obama and McCain (and Levin) are guilty of taking the easy road on choices because they are outright ignoring the tough challenges.

Lets go back to the 2009 defense budget and break it down.
Total budget = $664.33 billion
Base DoD budget = $512.7 billion
War Supplemental = $151.63 billion
If you break down the major categories of the base DoD budget of $512.7 billion, you see where the costs are.
Military Personnel = $124.8 billion
Procurement = $102.1 billion
Research and Development = $79.6 billion
Because funding in the war supplemental also pays for additional manpower costs, and because I lack a breakdown of that spending, I cannot calculate exactly how much manpower costs are on the total budget, only the base budget. For the base budget, manpower costs run about 25%, about 20% higher than procurement costs. According to Aviation Week, the Pentagons health care costs for manpower are up about 144% since 2001, and this is before we add 92,000 additional troops. These figures also do not include base construction costs directly associated with existing and increasing DoD manpower, and we must also assume additional equipment costs will already cut into the current procurement budget to account for additional land forces.

The cost of operations related to the wars runs around 23% of the total Pentagon budget. This figure can be described as the real cost of political policy. While this number is going to continue to come down over the long term as forces are reduced in Iraq, troop increases in Afghanistan are likely to slow any cost decreases in the short term.

It is very easy for politicians to complain about the high cost of procurement, and there is certainly cost growth in procurement that needs serious congressional oversight. However, it is inaccurate to suggest any hard choices are being made and that oversight is being applied evenly when health care costs are up 140% and the Obama administration is continuing a Bush policy of increasing the size of the total DoD force structure by 92,000 while not also increasing the budget to support those costs. Cost growth isn't unique to procurement, manpower costs related to health care, pay, and benifits is in reality adding a greater strain on the DoD budget, but the way media coverage is regarding defense costs, that fact appears to be largely missing from the discussion. It raises several questions what the strategic vision for the Pentagon is of the Obama administration, including whether or not the Obama administration actually has one yet. Did the Obama administration speech yesterday represent a well defined strategy already prepared looking to the future, or a bookmark pending a future strategic analysis?

The DoD faces enormous cost challenges, but while the procurement budget gets the bulk of the attention because it impacts the private sector, the data suggests the serious cost challenges are primarily due to the out of control growth in costs related to manpower. Where is the strategic discussion for the Department of Defense regarding Economy of Force among our political leaders? McCain and Levin are doing the right thing, but why did they make the easy choice to go after cost growth in procurement, when the hard decision was clearly to take on the challenge of cost growth in supporting the massive manpower of the military services? In the United States, Congress sets troop levels, not the President. Are the executive and representitive branches on the same page regarding manpower issues, or has there even been a discussion?

The DoD faces serious challenges in meeting the political obligations being placed on it for the common defense of our country. Not only must the DoD maintain superiority for our defense tomorrow, but as the largest and most capable political instrument of policy in dealing with international problems, the DoD ultimately finds itself providing security globally today. The Department of State, indeed the nation’s entire foreign policy apparatus can certainly take enormous strides in relieving the DoD of carrying the burden, but getting to that point will take time to develop. Let's be honest, the Bush administration both inherited and left the State Dept. a mess, continuing a pattern of degraded US diplomatic capabilities that began with the end of the cold war. It will take years to redevelop the serious diplomatic skills necessary for the 21st century. Until State can get fixed, America's public diplomacy will continue to wear combat boots.

The challenges we face with emerging global instability combined with rising great powers globally requires a clear strategy for Defense, and as Barack Obama says, tough choices. The question I have is when we will start seeing evidence that our political leaders are ready to take on the tough challenges, like the enormous increasing inflation associated with manpower costs in the DoD, as opposed to the easy choices of simply blaming the high costs associated with a shrinking industry in a country with a slowly dwindling industrial capacity. We need new, creative, and innovative ideas to accompany hard choices. I intend to discuss a few over the coming weeks, I hope others do to.

I leave you with an interesting accounting of how expensive the combination of manpower and operations has become in regards to our nations defense. Even in the worst examples of procurement inflation, nothing approaches this kind of cost growth. From Steven Kosiak of CSBA (PDF):
Estimates of the cost of conducting military operations in Iraq and Afghanistan have grown substantially and consistently over the past half-dozen years. This is true even adjusting for the changes in force levels (i.e., on a cost per troop/year basis). In September 2002, CBO estimated that—based on the costs incurred in the Balkans, Afghanistan and Desert Shield/Desert Storm—sustaining an occupation force consisting of 75,000-200,000 US troops in Iraq would cost some $19-52 billion a year. This equates to an average cost of about $250,000 per troop/year. CBO’s high-end estimate turned out to be fairly close to the mark in terms of the number of troops deployed in and around Iraq after the invasion in the spring of 2003. However, the costs per troop have turned out to be much higher than CBO anticipated based on the cost of past military operations.

In 2004, CBO released another estimate. This estimate projected the incremental cost of sustaining all US forces engaged in military operations, including not only US forces in Iraq, but those in Afghanistan and personnel assigned to Operation Noble Eagle. This new estimate equated to costs per troop/year of some $325,000. Part of the reason for this higher cost per troop/year is that CBO’s new cost estimate included some funding for classified programs, as well as support to other countries (“coalition support”). According to CBO, its new, higher estimate also resulted from a refinement and reevaluation of its methodology for estimating war costs. At the time, CBO noted that, even with these refinements, its methodology appeared to produce estimates that were some 12 percent below those that would be derived by simply extrapolating from DoD’s expected obligations from 2004 appropriations.

CBO also indicated that it was unlikely that this difference was attributable to increases in the pace of military operations (operational tempo, or OPTEMPO) caused by the worsening security situation in Iraq. It pointed out that most of the costs incurred in overseas military operations are associated with personnel, base support and other factors that are not usually correlated with OPTEMPO. Indeed, CBO noted that, based on DoD reports, costs driven by OPTEMPO appear to account for only about 10 percent of the total costs associated with the war in Iraq and other military operations.

In 2005, CBO again increased its estimate of war-related costs. This time, its estimate equated to costs per troop/year of about $450,000. However, unlike CBO’s 2004 revision of its earlier cost estimates, this change does not appear to have resulted, at least primarily, from a refinement of its methodology. The new estimate made use of a new CBO methodology to estimate the costs of equipment repair and replacement requirements. But for all military personnel and other operations and support (O&S) activities (representing the bulk of the costs associated with military operations), CBO based its estimate not on an independent “bottom-up” assessment but on a simple extrapolation of obligations data reported by DoD in 2004, adjusted to take into account inflation and changes in personnel levels.

Since 2005, CBO has revised its estimates of GWOT costs several more times. Most recently, in March 2008, figures released by CBO indicate that, over the long run, costs per troop/year would average some $775,000. This is some three times more than CBO projected in 2002, based on the cost of recent past wars, and about 70 percent more than its estimate from 2005. In this case, the estimate appears to be based primarily on an extrapolation of funding levels included in the 2008 supplemental request, adjusted for inflation and changes in force levels.
Hopefully the Obama administration takes time to invest in some creative peacemaking strategies that export security globally. Hopefully, someone in the Obama administration has the courage to make hard choices regarding DoD manpower, and tackle the challenges associated with the increases associated with manpower costs in the DoD. We need to begin discussing Economy of Force as part of our security approach to low intensity warfare challenges so we can maintain our strategic advantages over potential high intensity warfare challenges in the future.

The 8 years of George Bush resulted in 10% steady budget deficits, which means we can realistically suggest that at least 10% of the costs of war operations have been borrowed. These debts mean there is interest to pay down the road, thus making actual operational costs as a result of political policy much higher than just what we have spent to date.

This is the only war in our nations history where we have not raised taxes. The American people have largely not felt the burden associated with the costs of our national security policy in the 21st century. Something has to give. I say bring on the hard choices debate our President is calling for, but when that debate comes, I hope the American people arm themselves with good information because many politicians will take the easy road and just blame procurement. The costs of political policy and the costs of manpower are greater than the costs of procurement, have much greater long term consequences to our defense strategy, and raise the question whether we will make hard choices when it comes to defense, or simply take the easy way out and put all the blame on industry.

Additional budget resources in this post can be found here (PDF) and here (PDF).

Wednesday, February 25, 2024

Media Worth Checking Out

There are a couple of media items worth checking out. Christian interviews Dakota Wood of CSBA, who I think I need to get on the blog to discuss his excellent report (PDF). That is a good conversation on VH-71, EFV, MV-22, JSF, Seabasing and distributed operations.

Armchair Generalist discusses a Frank Hoffman video worth looking into.

The Super Sexy Pirate Fighting US Navy

Under the Bush administration, every time an aircraft carrier would deploy the news would report that it was being sent over to the Middle East specifically to threaten Iran. Well, as if that wasn't dumb enough, with the departure of the Eisenhower Carrier Strike Group over the weekend, Martin Sieff is reporting that the US Navy is deploying an aircraft carrier battle group to fight pirates.

Why am I laughing...

As was previously mentioned, the Eisenhower CSG will be replacing the Theodore Roosevelt CSG already operating in the region. The TR CSG deployed in September, meaning the 6 month deployment will end in March which is when the Eisenhower CSG will arrive. There is about 0% chance the Eisenhower is being sent to fight pirates at a time when troop numbers are being increased in Afghanistan and air stations are being threatened, but hey... anything for a headline right?

What really caught my attention over the last few days was a few pictures uploaded to Navy.mil showing a little photo action with CTF-150 and CTF-151. All of the photos were dated Feb 20th. Sure it is sexy to see the USS Vella Gulf (CG 72), USS Mahan (DDG 72), and HDMS Absalon (L 16) sailing together, and while I'm tempted to sit quietly and admire these impressive pictures I find myself embarrassed a bit for the Navy.

According to this photograph, USS Monterey (CG 61) has joined CTF-151, bringing the total number of US ships in the anti-piracy task force up to 4 (that we know about), when you count USNS Lewis & Clark (T-AKE 1). With Monterey and Vella Gulf now part of CTF-151, the US Navy has committed their two largest surface combatants to the pirate fight, and when you add up the manpower of both ships and throw in Mahan, I count over 1000 sailors taking on this challenge... on three ships.

If we could possibly be less efficient or more expensive way to fight pirates with our surface combatant forces, I'm not sure how. 1000 sailors on only three ships. How is it possible to pretend to justify this type of activity in a time of fiscal contraction? People tell me we cannot afford small ships for these low intensity challenges. Do the math, we can't afford not to field small ships for these challenges.

Another question I have is, why are we massing our ships for a photo opportunity off the coast of Somalia? I thought the coast of Somalia was something like 1880 miles long, which means if we are protecting out to 200 miles off the coast, the coalition naval forces are together patrolling somewhere around 376,000 square miles. That is roughly the size of New Mexico, Arizona, and Nevada PLUS West Virginia.

It is hardly a surprise that three days later pirates hijacked a Greek-owned coal carrier.

So what is really going on? If we have time for pictures, the answer is nothing. It seems to me the US Navy is waiting to see what they can do with the pirates they have already captured before moving forward again. Navy Times is observing the developments:
The pirates are supposed to stay aboard temporarily until the U.S. can arrange for them to go to a Kenya-based special pirate court. But as of Feb. 19, details for the transfer hadn’t been worked out.
In other words, we have a floating prison ship and no idea what to do with the pirate prisoners. In the meantime we don't do much to fight piracy because we don't have very many ships to do it, not to mention we don't want to end up with even more prisoners we can't drop off anywhere. Despite nearly 20 additional naval vessels from the worlds most powerful Naval powers, pirate hijackings in 2009 are already up four times what they were at this point last year, and the early part of the year is supposed to be the slow season.

Something else to think about:
"We provide them food; showers; good hygiene; we give them a climate-controlled environment; a very spacious area to live in — they’re probably living better here than they were on their ships.”
Their ships? It is probably better living on the USNS Lewis and Clark (T-AKE 1) than it is in Somalia. Imagine our definition of punishment. We take them out of the hell on earth that is Somalia, put them on a climate controlled ship, give them food, showers, and probably hand out some sort of comfortable clothing. Are we sure this is the most effective way to deter piracy?

On second thought, maybe it is a good thing the Navy is posting sexy photo's of cool looking warships, because when you start to think about what is happening behind the scenes, there really isn't much good news for the good guys.

For the record, the title is snark.

Tuesday, February 24, 2024

The Great Debate About the Future Fleet Structure

In 1794 when the nation decided to build a Navy for the United States, the first thing the government did was talk to the shipbuilders. Talking to shipbuilders about Navy shipbuilding is a tradition in this country OLDER than the official Navy itself. The first name Congress knew relating to the Navy was not an Admiral or Commodore, it was a Quaker named Joshua Humphreys.

So when I see Admiral James Lyon's noting the absence of shipbuilding executives at the table regarding Naval shipbuilding problems today, I think he has a good point. Look, costs are challenging the Navy at every turn and the problem isn't specific to shipbuilding. The inflation of shipbuilding looks really bad right up until one calculates the inflation associated with manpower costs in general, and all of a sudden shipbuilding is just one of several issues. There are several aspects of Admiral Lyon's Washington Times piece that could be discussed, but this part stood out as a basis for any shipbuilding conversation.
There is now a great debate about the future structure of the U.S. Navy....

The debate has to do with what kind of naval surface ships the country needs to build for the future. Capable surface combatants are key because they are the backbone and most visible assets for safeguarding U.S. national security interests and ensuring freedom of the seas and economic stability. U.S. strategy has been to forward-deploy our naval forces as one of the key elements in maintaining the proper level of deterrence and stability, in order to meet our global responsibilities. Should deterrence fail, we have had the recognized naval combat power to prevail.
The United States is a global super power and must meet that obligation. Admiral Lyon's piece is specific to the shipbuilding industry, and perhaps that is his greatest concern right now. I have a different concern, and it is less industrial and more specific to strategy. I agree with everything I have quoted from the piece Admiral Lyon's has written, but I think everything I didn't quote is subject to debate, or put another way, is his opinion.

I think the debate begins with strategy, not industry, so I want to avoid the rest of Admiral Lyon's editorial which is almost entirely about industry. Unlike Admiral Lyon's, I do not think the Navy will get the high end of warfare wrong in their choice between the DDG-51 and DDG-1000. The Navy will ultimately choose the more capable platform that represents the best long term interest of the Navy, and if neither platform meets that requirement, I have every faith the Navy will design an entirely new large surface combatant. I see no reason to waver in my faith that the Navy will do everything possible to meet the high end requirements of surface warfare. This is the only aspect of Navy shipbuilding where my optimism overflows.

Where I am less optimistic is whether the Navy will attempt to optimize the use of the high end surface combatant fleet. I believe the flawed strategic vision in the Navy today is the faith that the same tools that win war in blue water can win the peacetime challenges in the littorals. The requirements are very different, and unless the Navy addresses the requirements at the peacemaking level they will not be effective in preventing crisis from developing into warfighting scenarios; OR a warfighting scenario will always be our peacemaking solution... which in my book is just as bad.

The littoral threats are evolving towards non-state challenges at the same time the littorals are becoming more and more populated. Unmanned systems will increase our lethality in war and decrease our requirements of manpower for being lethal, but there are limits to what technology can do as the RoE becomes more restrictive (as they tend to be in the littorals). The helicopter is a brilliant littoral strike platform, but becomes more limited as the RoE becomes more restrictive in environments where dissemination between the good guys and the bad guys are not easily done. The Navy requires a physical level of scouting (VBSS) to compliment their tremendous electronic and visual scouting capabilities that come from radar/EW and UAV technologies respectively. Physical scouting, unless someone has invented Terminator style robots I'm not aware of, means manpower and boarding operations.

Many experts have talked in the past about the necessity to have more than one type of fleet to address more than one type of challenge facing 21st century Navy forces. In general I tend to agree with this but I am cautious regarding how to implement such an idea. If it was to be done, the approach to take in my opinion would be two types of fleet strategic concepts, one centered on a hard power warfighter strategy as the dominant fleet, and one centered on a soft power peacemaker strategy as the subordinate fleet. This fits with Economy A/Economy B fleet ideas, and could be visualized and explained in terms of Nelson's battle line/cruisers operational model. I don't believe taking such an approach changes the fundamental 'global power projection navy' intent of the US Navy, rather embraces the distinction of hard and soft power with naval forces, and describes how one supports the other in war and peace (i.e Phase 0,1,2,3,4 operations).

I completely reject those who argue that small ships are a fighting force for a global power projection navy. This "Visby School" is built on the theories that technology has evolved so much that some missile FAC is able to effectively engage and sink fleets. On this blog history is used to guide strategy, and history suggests the record of FACs vs larger vessels is 43 sunk FACs against 0 kills, suggesting the "Visby School" is built on a foundation of shifting sand and unsound theories. I'm not saying this wouldn't be very effective off the Coast of Sweden, but I am saying it will not be effective in places where the US Navy is projecting power. It is like the Type 022 projecting power off the US west coast. Please stop, because I assure you some Apache Longbow battalion will impliment a blue paint artificial reef project of Type 022 hulls in that scenario. The same would be true of Visby School strategy in projecting naval power.

It is the helicopter, or other similar armed man or unmanned aviation platform; that represents the strike platform of choice in the littorals. Small ships are absolutely necessary in the future fleet of the US Navy, but their primary payload is not missiles, it is people.

I do not believe the Navy should put ASMs on small ships, or try to arm them to fight major combatants, as this does not represent either their primary function to the fleet nor the environment small ships are needed to operate in today. The weapon systems would be gun based and the payload manpower centric. The Navy today is in dire need of a peacemaking force for stability operations at sea, security enforcement, SOF, soft power training and engagement, and humanitarian response ships. The littorals represent some of the most manpower intensive requirements facing the future US Navy, and a littoral force is not intended to fight modern battle fleets rather help build partnership with global coast guards to increase the security apparatus of the maritime domain. Small ships are the beat cops and manned nodes of a Maritime Domain Awareness network in troubled, populated littorals.

I believe the nation needs small ships to support the US Navy, Marines, and Coast Guard when peacemaking requirements force them to be the point of contact with irregular forces operating in the complex populated maritime environment the littorals represent. Any small ships built should be prepared to fight the irregular threats, not conventional threats, and those ships should look the part so they hopefully don't have to. Because manpower is costly, the approach to the littorals should be a joint service approach, if for no other reason than to insure the manpower costs are spread around while the individual capabilities and specialties of the various maritime services are utilized efficiently.

I believe motherships for manned and unmanned systems will be at least as important in the 21st century as the aircraft carrier was in the 20th century. The ability to field unmanned ASW, MIW, ASuW, and AAW systems will change the way the US Navy fights war, particularly as these systems develop autonomous capabilities that don't require direct network links for decision making. Unmanned systems increase range, lethality, endurance, etc.. for warfighting, which is the basis for why I don't believe the Navy needs as many sailors to be lethal in wartime in the 21st century. That means our future high intensity conflict force can afford to have less manpower and remain or increase capabilities towards being lethal.

But unmanned systems are limited to scouting and kinetic solutions only; they cannot replace the roles of manpower centric operation at sea. This is why the USS Vella Gulf and USS Mahan act as motherships for both unmanned aviation platforms, manned H-60s, and manned RHIBs when fighting pirates. They are essentially acting as motherships for manpower intensive operations, and are not being used in an optimal way that utilizes their capability.

This is sending the wrong message, an image that takes a thousand words to explain. Using very large ships to combat speed boats suggests to the American people that the Navy has ignored requirements at the maritime security level while also suggesting large surface combatants may not be necessary because they are used in this role. In a time of dwindling fiscal capacity for naval funding, and a time when the Navy is absolutely awful at communicating with the American people the requirements currently burdening the fleet, sending the wrong perception is an unaffordable approach.

I think the Navy can do these operations with a corvette/PC and LCS combination instead of AEGIS ships and be far more productive along a broader set of low intensity roles. Using AEGIS cruisers and destroyers acting as the principal point of contact vessels is inefficient use of necessary high end capabilities. The Navy needs to invest a little money in order to save a ton of money managing these low intensity challenges, and do so while increasing capability across the broad spectrum of low intensity challenges in the process.

The LCS cannot be a manned mothership due to the flaw of limited berthing space, which really pisses me off btw. The LCS only has a core crew of 40, and it has been suggested that none of that 40 man crew is intended to qualify for VBSS operations, another point I am not happy about if true. A flight crew of 20 is intended to support 1 H-60 and 3 Fire Scouts. Freedom can carry 2 H-60s and 3 Fire Scouts in that hanger; I measured when I was on the ship; but to carry all the equipment possible the module crew of 15 gets shifted to make up the additional flight crew.

That leaves no crew available for unmanned systems necessary for supporting littoral operations, or berthing for manned VBSS teams necessary at the point of contact with the enemy, much less both. People who suggest the Navy can fill the module bays with berthing modules don’t get the concept in my opinion. Not only are the module bays the loudest part of the ship outside the engine room when the turbines are running, but that space is critical to the primary capability of deploying unmanned systems. Fixing the manpower issues to optimize the use of the LCS for the complex human terrain of the littorals needs to be the primary focus in any early evolutions of the platform. More than speed or survivability or weapons kit or any other criticism of the LCS, the inability to support sufficient manpower for littoral operations ranks highest as the limiting factor of a platform intended to operate in the littorals.

While manpower issues prevent flexibility, the LCS is as good a place as any to start for the Navy’s initial approach to unmanned systems. It has tremendous potential for growth as a C2 node in a battle force network. It is badly named; LCS should stand for Littoral Combat Support, because the LCS role in the fleet is in every sense a support ship for enabling other vessels to do their work. The problem is the Navy didn't build any other vessels to operate in the littoral environment for the LCS to support. The one that they planned to build grew into a 14,500 ton money sucking pig, and will hopefully be truncated at 2-3 ships.

So I say build the supporting network. Operating beside four corvettes/PC each carrying a squad of Marines or Coast Guard detachment, the LCS becomes a C2 system for supporting a full rifle platoon or a bunch of Coast Guard capabilities with this squadron package. The LCS carries the manned aviation that can support plenty of operational RHIB teams from the corvette/PC manned motherships, and each corvette/PC can support UAVs similar to how very small vessels like the M-80 have proven they can support ScanEagles. Most importantly, our $500+ million LCS doesn't become the point of contact vessel in the complex irregular sea space, our corvettes/PCs do, which reduces the risk to the LCS and allows it to stand off with NLOS 30mms, and a 57mm. The LCS was designed to be a standoff support vessel, not a hunter, so I suggest the Navy needs to maximize the LCS as a standoff support vessel by building littorals hunters.

To be honest, I don't want the Navy to try to turn the LCS into a strictly manned mothership though, unmanned systems are too important to throw another requirement at the LCS after the fact. Optimize the LCS for an additional helicopter and some VBSS capabilities and call it a day. The Navy needs to get unmanned systems right with the LCS, and 55 is fine IF there are PCs/corvettes for the LCS to support in the complex littorals. If the Navy isn't doing that, and is trying to make the LCS the one-ship-fits-all solution, I suggest the Navy cuts the LCS build at 26 to replace the mine ships and rethinks the surface warfare approach at the low end in the littorals.

That final point is important. This High / Low talk gets all fouled up as historical bias and futuristic perspectives attempt to define what high / low means in the emerging maritime era. Too many people want to suggest that low end combatants need to be able to fight and survive in high end environments, and to do so the Navy should stack missiles of all kinds on small combatants. I disagree. Small ships may support operations in high intensity warfare, but their roles will still be within their capability toolkit (like supporting MIW or escort operations in chokepoints).

High/Low end today for me means how the Navy addresses Hard/Soft power operational demands with fleet forces. It is about warfighting/peacemaking, and can be (with a lot of words) used to describe conventional/irregular warfare scenarios. I want to see the Navy optimize their high end AEGIS fleet for dominance of the maritime domain when dealing with wartime challenges (train as you intend to fight). I also want to see the Navy optimize the low end to address the Phase 0 and Phase 4 operations in the littoral environment (ABOT and KAAOT is a great example, good thing Iraq has a relatively small coast line).

The Navy should do low intensity with Amphibious ships, MSC, and small combatants; supporting the NECC, Coast Guard, Marines, and other government agencies. The Navy shouldn't be doing this with aircraft carriers, submarines, or AEGIS destroyers. The reason the Navy should build more amphibious ships, MSC, and small combatants is to optimize the use of their heavy warfare aircraft carriers, submarines, and AEGIS ships. Those platforms are going to be more expensive, and the Navy is going to need as many as possible. The Navy must insure the optimal use of high end warships since the cost of high intensity conflict capabilities are making the high end ships more difficult to both build and operate.

An aircraft, including a UAV with exceptional endurance, is not a substitute for presence in the littorals. Their options are limited to watching or destroying. The littorals come with baggage today, just like as the land forces found out in Iraq. When talking about complex populated environments, or the human terrain on the battlefield, the United States doesn't have a political system that enables a RoE for shooting first and asking questions later. In fact, the military often has to ask questions first, which requires a human interaction, and if they don't trust the answer, they may have to verify with physical scouting, another human centric action. A helicopter can do the first part, but it takes a boarding team to do the second.

So in general, I agree with Admiral Lyons that surface combatants are key to the shipbuilding debate, but I think that debate is far more complex than can be summarized in an editorial anymore. The US Navy is way beyond the point where less than 1000 words can even begin to touch the complexities of a shipbuilding discussion, ANY part of it actually. For its part the Navy is silent on the complex challenges they are facing regarding both shipbuilding and manpower, and the industry is simply following the Navy's lead in regards to shipbuilding.

The fleet of today is the best starting place for deciding where the Navy should be striving to be with the fleet of the future, and if the Navy isn't connecting the cost issues related to manpower with the cost issues related to building new ships, then the Navy is not connecting all the dynamics that are directly effecting the fleet constitution strategy needed to deal with 21st century challenges.

Taiwan Bolsters Aerial ASW/ASuW

Defense News is reporting that Taiwan has finally managed to consummate a deal for 12 P-3C Orion ASW aircraft. This deal has been tied up in politics since 2001, when President Bush authorized an arms sale to the island state which included the Orions. Acquiring the P-3s will bolster Taiwan's flagging long-range ASW capabilities.

It's difficult to say how this deal was affected by or has affected other armaments moves by the PRC, given the long delay time. However, this is just another incremental move in the Southeast Asia subsurface arms race that has gained a great deal of steam in recent years. In the late 1990s and early 2000s, the region's tensions were best characterized by the phrase "Quick, everybody buy an Air Force!" As more capable and newer strike aircraft have proliferated across the region, the next moves - moves of more long-term and strategic military competition - have involved submarines and ASW.

On the other hand, it should be remembered that Taiwan, unlike most SE Asian nations, is playing in a dyadic game, not a multipolar one. They have essentially one defense scenario - the obvious one. Although the utility of the P-3s in an all-out war with the mainland is dubious over the middle to long term, since runways will surely be early targets, they do offer some protection against blockade warfare. In addition, I'll be looking to see what (if any) surface search systems or upgrades are included in the buy. Surface search, aided by the long loiter time of the platform, is one of its two main strengths. What associated arms (if any) we can find in the deal will offer even better visibility - although Taiwan already has air-launched Harpoons, so we may not see any additional rounds go over the transom.
Image credit Wikimedia

Monday, February 23, 2024

Hillary Channels Thomas Barnett

Hillary said something important to the Chinese.
"By continuing to support American Treasury instruments the Chinese are recognizing our interconnection. We are truly going to rise or fall together," Clinton said at the US embassy here.
That is really close to a direct quote from Thomas Barnett's book Great Powers: American and The World After Bush. I don't necessarily agree with everything Tom says, but it is uncanny how well the events of this time fit right into his strategic model, at least in this bloggers opinion.

I think Tom is right, only we can screw up the future, and make a mess in the process of trying to disrupt that which we can't change anyway.

I'm waiting for the right time to bring the specific contents of the book into the blog conversation. I have a really good idea when the right time is, but we aren't there yet.

Interesting News Story - Check the Details

Air Force Times has an interesting story. There are a ton of things to think about in what is otherwise a very short news report.
An unmanned aerial vehicle crashed Sunday in Iraq, according to the Air Force.

The crash of the MQ-1 Predator, flown out of Joint Base Balad, occurred at 4:30 p.m. after an Air National Guard crew lost communications with the remote-controlled plane. The wreckage was discovered about 45 minutes later.

The crash is the second of a Predator this month. An Air Force special operations MQ-1 went down Feb. 8 in Afghanistan.

The Predator is designed to continue flying on auto-pilot if it is not able to receive directions from crew members on the ground. However, often a communications loss is the result of mechanical or electrical problems that the auto-pilot cannot handle, resulting in a crash.

An accident investigation board will look into what led to the loss of the plane, worth about $3.5 million.
Note the cost of the aircraft. Note the reason for the crash. Note the most likely causes for communication loss.

Anyone know where to find good records for accident rates of the Predator? I bet it has a great flight time record based on number of hours since the aircraft actually flies a whole bunch of hours in one sortie. I would be curious to know for sure though.

This technology may still have a long way to go to replace traditional aircraft, but that doesn't mean we shouldn't stay focused on developing the future. I still say the X-47B is more important to the long term future of naval aviation than the F-35C.

The X-47B is decades away from being any sort of replacement for the F-35C, but should never be considered an optional program for carrier aviation. The learning curve for the X-47B will be very steep, best to start the journey now.

Guest Author Series: Air Superiority 101 and Other Thoughts about Blowing Stuff up from the Air

The F-22 discussion generated a lot of discussion on the blog last week, but it also generated a lot of discussion in my Inbox. Because I am not an expert on aviation, Andrew Niemyer offered to weigh in to the topic with an essay taking the always valuable experts perspective I prefer. Below are his thoughts on the topic.

---

Galrahn’s piece on the arguments over continued acquisition of the F-22 contained an interesting statement, “…I admit to being concerned about the state of air superiority looking into the future. This problem is specific to the US Air Force, because I don't believe the US Navy is going to be able to provide air superiority for itself too much longer into the future against peer competitors, for a several reasons.”

It has occurred to me that since “ID” is mainly surface warfare oriented, with the occasionally foray into things that intentionally sink and those that fly, that a brief discussion is in order regarding what are actually highly defined terms of art when used by practitioners. It is my modest hope that this will help us understand each other when we venture into these kinds of fruitful discussions. This discussion in not meant to be some sort of primer about how major airstrikes are conducted nor will I address some of the major issues attendant to such operations. Rather I hope to illuminate the terminologies meant when I was involved in such operations and later on when I taught some of these same ideas to Battle Group staffs. The basics have not changed, while the applications to achieve the ends continue to evolve.

When used in conjunction with offensive air operations, we need to look at two similar sounding, but dissimilar terms. “Air Superiority” as defined in the NATO Glossary of Terms and Definition is "That degree of dominance in the air battle of one force over another that permits the conduct of operations by the former and its related land, sea, and air forces at a given time and place without prohibitive interference [italics mine] by opposing air forces." On the other hand, “Air Supremacy” is thus defined: “…that degree of air superiority wherein the opposing air force is incapable of effective interference.” [Italics again mine] Similarly, The Department of Defense Dictionary of Military and Associated Terms (short title: Joint Pub 1-02 or JP 1-02 (PDF)) defines Air Superiority like this: “That degree of dominance in the air battle of one force over another that permits the conduct of operations by the former and its related land, sea, and air forces at a given time and place without prohibitive interference by the opposing force.” Note that the only substantive difference is that we speak of an “opposing force” versus an “opposing air force.” [Emphasis mine] JP 1-02 defines Air Supremacy succinctly: “That degree of air superiority wherein the opposing air force is incapable of effective interference.” No quibbles between NATO and our own definition there in the least; everyone’s agreed at least on how it’s defined.

One last term we need to keep in mind is “Air Parity,” and has been called the lowest level of control, meaning control of the skies only above friendly troop positions, or in other words, a stand-off. You’re not coming into my back year without getting into one heck of a fight, and vice versa.

To put the terms in “Airdale speak:” Air Superiority means we will win the fight for control of a particular bit of three dimensional airspace and not have losses so bad that we can’t come back tomorrow morning and do it again. Air Supremacy means that the bad guys will not fly under virtually any circumstance, because if they do, they will die. We are the big dog on the block, period. Air superiority is not necessarily a permanent condition, while air supremacy can be thought of as the ultimate goal of any long term air campaign, much as was sought and attained a near-generation ago in the initial air phase of Operation Desert Storm.

Air superiority can be thought of in three different ways: Control of space, control of time, control of geography or a combination of those three. Depending on the commander’s intent and tasking, we can seek to attain air superiority over a region (which is usually done in the course of a campaign, not an individual air strike or limited series of strikes), over a political area, e.g. a nation, again a campaign objective or a specific piece of territory, say a particular area surrounding a specific target.

If the senior leadership is reacting to a specific set of circumstances and we have been tasked with conducting a specific single or set number of strikes, then those planning the strike may look to attain air superiority in a determined geographic area for a specific time frame, for example, from 0045 to 0130 local time. Why waste energy, effort and resources when it is unnecessary to do so?

Depending on the methods used to conduct the strike, we may also desire to add in the element of air superiority within a specific block of airspace. An example would be, given the use of precision stand-off weapons, a desire to have air superiority within a block altitude of 15,000 feet above ground level to 50,000 feet, e.g. above AAA range but within SAM altitudes. The SAM threat is more manageable than AAA in this example.

Thus, depending upon the tasking the planners receive from higher authority, they might decide that to achieve that tasking, they want to attain air superiority over the port complex at East Whoozit and environs, from 10,000 feet and above, from 0215 to 0300.

The methodology for attaining air superiority is a complex subject and is, quite naturally, one that has been the subject of considerable research, scholarship and experimentation. It is a topic that has been writ, regrettably, with the blood of thousands of lives as this relatively new area of conflict has developed over the last century. The sometimes dry theories of academics and the polemics of true believers have been embraced, implemented and then faced complex and unforeseen realities in the skies of Europe, the Pacific, the Mediterranean rim, the Middle East and Asia. The brute force of numbers and the finesse of advanced technologies have played their respective rolls and as of yet there is no clear, firm permanent doctrine that will address the issues that each individual theater of operations and Order of Battle of opposing forces bring into the planning and execution equations.

What we do know is what has and has not worked in the specific situations in which those theories were applied. Accurate threat assessment, driven by good, solidly derived intelligence collection is one key. What are the defender’s air defenses like? What is their command and control system for air defense? Is there a single vulnerable node in detecting an attack and directing those defenses? What is their airborne detection and direction capability? What are their airborne defenses like? Are they a competent and well trained force? What’s the geography surrounding the target? Can we use that to our advantage in seeking to gain air superiority? Should we employ fighter sweeps? What kind of CAP should we have for the strike? Keep them close or let them range? How do we suppress the enemy air defenses? Do we seek soft or hard kill? What resources do we have? If we are tasked to go back, what kind of losses in the first attempt can we sustain? These questions that face planners at all levels are just the tip of the proverbial iceberg.

Thus we can see that while the base term “air superiority” is easy to define, it overlies a vastly more complex conceptual structure that those who are really given the mission, well away from the warm glow of a computer screen and the blogosphere, must deal with in the very real terms of treasure, equipment, logistics and human lives.

A final thought: One thing “ID” readers need to bear in mind is that while huge strides have been made in the last 15 years or more in bringing the full focus of Joint warfare into harness, there are some things each service’s air components do better than others. Want Close Air Support? (CAS) I’m calling the Marines; it’s what they do. Want a prolonged air campaign, with 24/7 surveillance, tanking (on their terms, of course) and strike, that goes on and on? Dial “2” for the Air Force. Need a short, sharp shock tomorrow morning, or better yet, tonight? Call the Navy, because contingency air strikes and self-sustaining short termed campaigns waged until the USAF gets its logistics systems in place is what we historically have done very, very well. Yet, as the Navy and Marines proved over Afghanistan, they can and will conduct campaign ops for a sustained period of time, utilizing tanker, electronic warfare and early warning, command and control assets either integral to the embarked Air Wing or tasked from Joint or Coalition assets to achieve the Commander’s tactical and campaign objectives. So long as replenishment and OpTempo can be sustained, the attainment of air superiority and supremacy has a reasonable chance of being achieved; depending of course on the EOB those forces are assigned to deal with. One really, really final thought: The blogosphere has proven to be a great place to think about and discuss the “big ideas.” It has rapidly become a marketplace for theories and concepts big and small. But in the end, all the big words (“enterprise”, “objectify” and “transformational”) aside, it is the core of junior officers, senior and junior enlisted people who actually are given the job to make things work in “the big world.” For all our huffing, puffing and hyperventilating they are the ones who come up with new ways, ideas and tactics for innovative uses for what we, the people, give them. From my direct observation, none of us should ever underestimate the power of a couple First Class Petty Officers, a Chief and a Lieutenant [or a couple of Gunnys and a Captain] to come up with some pretty damn good “hey, what if we try this” ideas.

---

Andrew Niemyer biography: After prior enlisted service, Andy was commissioned in 1973, and following extensive duty at NAS North Island began his flight training in 1975, receiving his wings as an NFO in 1976. From then until 1992 he flew in a variety of carrier and land based Navy aircraft, as well as USAF reconnaissance platforms. These included the EA-3B Skywarrior reconnaissance aircraft, the KA-3 pathfinder/tanker platform and as a bombardier/navigator in the A-6E. He was a qualified Senior Tactical Electronic Warfare Evaluator (SEVAL) in the EA-3B, a Strike Leader in the Intruder as well as a designated Flight Test aircrew for all makes and models of the Skywarrior, finishing his Navy flying with in excess of 3100 hours and over 100 arrested landings in the A-3 series alone. He later worked on the development and initial deployment of a combined Navy/Coast Guard pre-expeditionary command and control program. Subsequently he taught strike warfare fundamentals to Battle Group staff on the east coast. He later was involved in C3IW, IT and transformational issues for DCNO, SPAWAR and CNAVRES. He retired six months after the fall of Baghdad in 2003.