Was U.S. Navy
Tactical Deception Effective?
Since Backfire needed pathfinder support, the U.S. Navy’s key
to disrupting if not decapitating a raid by the former was to defeat the
latter. As part of my thesis research, I came across much circumstantial
evidence that the U.S. Navy’s combination of strict Emission Control (EMCON) discipline,
decentralized command and control doctrine, occasional use of lower
campaign-value warships to simulate high campaign-value warships, and perhaps
even occasional use of electronic jamming gave SOSS controllers and Soviet
reconnaissance assets fits during real-world operations. Still, I did not come
across any authoritative Russian perspectives on whether or how these U.S. Navy
countertargeting efforts affected Soviet doctrine, tactics, or confidence.
That’s what makes the following comment from Tokarev so interesting:
“Moreover, knowing the
position of the carrier task force is not the same as knowing the position of
the carrier itself. There were at least two cases when in the center of the
formation there was, instead of the carrier, a large fleet oiler or
replenishment vessel with an enhanced radar signature (making it look as large
on the Backfires’ radar screens as a carrier) and a radiating tactical air
navigation system. The carrier itself, contrary to routine procedures, was
steaming completely alone, not even trailing the formation. To know for sure
the carrier’s position, it was desirable to observe it visually.”(Tokarev, Pg.
77)
He goes on to describe a special reconnaissance-attack group
of sacrificial bombers that might be detached from an inbound raid to penetrate
a naval formation and visually identify the primary targets. Only with positive
target designations from these pathfinders, or perhaps from TU-95RT Bear-D reconnaissance aircraft preceding the raid, could Backfire
crews have any confidence the single missile they each carried was aimed at a
valid and valuable target (Tokarev, Pg. 72, 77). Even then, he observes that
“Contrary to widespread opinion, no considerable belief was placed in the
ability of launched missiles to resist ECM efforts” (Tokarev, Pg. 75),
indicating recognition that the countertargeting battle hardly ended with
missile launch.
The one exception to the above contact classification and
identification problems would have been a war-opening
first salvo attack, in which targeting-quality cues could have been
provided to Backfires or other anti-ship missile-carrying assets by any
tattletale ships following a carrier closely. While noting the tattletale tactic’s
high potential efficacy, Tokarev makes clear it could only be used in peacetime
and would never again be possible following hostilities’ outbreak:
“Despite the existence
of air reconnaissance systems such as Uspekh, satellite systems like Legenda,
and other forms of intelligence and observation, the most reliable source of
targeting of carriers at sea was the direct-tracking ship. Indeed, if you see a
carrier in plain sight, the only problem to solve is how to radio reliably the
reports and targeting data against the U.S. electronic countermeasures.
Ironically, since the time lag of Soviet military communication systems
compared to the NATO ones is quite clear, the old Morse wireless telegraph used
by the Soviet ships was the long-established way to solve that problem. With
properly trained operators, Morse keying is the only method able to resist
active jamming in the HF band… But the direct tracker was definitely no more
than another kind of kamikaze. It was extremely clear that if a war started, these
ships would be sent to the bottom immediately. Given that, the commanding
officer of each had orders to behave like a rat caught in a corner: at the
moment of war declaration or when specifically ordered, after sending the
carrier’s position by radio, he would shell the carrier’s flight deck with
gunfire, just to break up the takeoff of prepared strikes, fresh CAP patrols,
or anything else.” (Tokarev, Pg. 80)
Preventing a tattletale from maintaining track on a carrier
accordingly reduced the chances for successfully striking that carrier.
Additionally, since not all carriers would be operating forward at the time of
the first salvo, those withheld in areas tattletales could not readily access
would be more or less immune from large-scale attacks. This would leave the
Backfires overwhelmingly dependent upon pathfinders in any later raid attempt.
It should be obvious that EW (and its contemporary cousin,
cyberwarfare) or tactical deception capabilities on their own are not going to
deter an adversary from embarking upon some form of conventional aggression.
The adversary’s decision to seek war will always be politically-driven, and the
possibility of aggression out of desperation vice opportunism cannot be
discounted. To the extent that political and military leaders’ latent
psychological perceptions of their forces’ strengths and weaknesses influence
their warmaking calculus, though, efforts to erode an opponent’s confidence in
his most doctrinally important military capabilities can induce him to raise
his political threshold for resorting to war. Tokarev’s observations therefore
imply that Soviet commanders understood the likely cost in their crews’ lives that
would be necessary just to provide a raid a chance at success, and that
complicating variables such as the U.S. Navy’s demonstrated countertargeting competencies
only made the whole endeavor seem more uncertain and costly. The impact upon
general deterrence, while unmeasurable in any real sense, obviously was not
insignificant.
Tomorrow, an examination of the deception tactics that might have been employed by Backfire raids.
Tomorrow, an examination of the deception tactics that might have been employed by Backfire raids.
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