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Then-USS Arctic (AOE-8), Undated. (U.S. Navy Photo) Note NATO Sea Sparrow launcher, forward Close-In Weapons System mount, and deckhouse-mounted SLQ-32(V)3. |
On July 31, 2014, the
House Armed Service Committee Subcommittee on Seapower and Force Projections
convened a hearing to discuss Sealift Force Assessment. One concern expressed
at the hearing was by Rep. J. Randy Forbes, the committee’s chairman, regarding
the ability of the Navy’s Combat Logistics Force (CLF) to conduct its mission
in a contested environment. Without increasing the CLF’s current level of
capabilities to survive in such environments as well as shuttle fuel,
ammunition, and stores to forward naval forces, the U.S. Navy will not be
able to meet emerging threats in the Asia-Pacific. Currently,
there has been little internal or public discussion on the ability of the CLF
to sustain the operational tempo demanded of the Navy in a major conflict, let
alone do so within a combat zone.
The current logistics
fleet is derived
from
the 1992 “. . . From the Sea” and 1994 “Forward. . . From the Sea” strategic
concept documents. These concepts were
based on the premise of general U.S. command of the open oceans, which meant
that the Navy could focus much of its efforts in the littorals. The Navy’s
ability to obtain virtually de facto
sea control in the post-Cold War era allowed it to project power from close to
adversaries’ coastlines and then be resupplied from sanctuaries these adversaries
simply could not touch. It follows that the Navy did not foresee a need to
escort its logistics ships to and from these underway replenishment locations.
Nor did it assess that the logistics ships retained the need to defend
themselves against missile or torpedo attacks. The Navy’s decision to replace
the Oliver Hazard Perry-class guided missile frigates with the Littoral Combat
Ship (LCS) was greatly informed by this view.
Potential adversaries’
advancing capabilities for denying access and limiting freedom of maneuver in
contested maritime areas have effectively negated the underlying premises of
the Navy’s post-Cold War strategic concepts. In particular, China’s inability
to seriously challenge the U.S. Navy during the 1996 Taiwan Straits Crisis
persuaded it to develop capabilities to disrupt the U.S.’s ability to intervene
militarily against Beijing’s interests in East Asia. Submarines, mines, land-based
fighter and bomber aircraft, land-based strike missiles, advanced air defense
systems are the major elements of China’s capabilities for denying maritime
access to the East Asian theater. The employment of many of these weapons are
cued by networked wide-area surveillance/reconnaissance systems located on
Chinese soil, in the air, at sea, and in space.
The new environment
poses a significant danger to U.S. naval operations. With a considerable forward
presence in the Asia-Pacific, the U.S. Navy must sustain operations over what
is often referred to as the “tyranny of distance.” Once in theater, if warships
are unable to replenish at sea, they must then return to a friendly port. The
process of transiting to a port, replenishing and then returning to a forward
operating area may take days or even weeks. Forward ports and naval facilities
are also becoming increasingly vulnerable to theater-range precision guided
munitions. Such delays and risks would be untenable in a major conflict.
And yet, no moves have
been made to arm the logistics fleet with point defense weaponry. Further
threatening the CLF’s ability to operate in opposed environments is the Navy’s
declining surface combatant force structure. The final
retirement of all the Navy’s FFGs this year will have a
major impact on the defensibility of forward- deployed ships’ logistical
support chains. As previously noted, the LCS is incapable in its current and
planned configurations to assume the FFGs’ Cold War-era role screening
logistics ships’ movements in contested waters. The lack of small
surface combatants with medium range air defense and anti-submarine
capabilities means that vital DDGs
would be utilized as CLF escorts instead of being utilized in carrier
battlegroups or surface
action groups. The forthcoming LCS-derived frigate
will address only the anti-submarine portion of this capability gap.
In addition to the loss
of the FFG escorts, the retirement of all of the Navy’s T-AOEs will further
amplify the fleet’s combat logistics dilemma. T-AOEs are the most important
logistic ship in the Navy’s inventory as the ship provides a “one stop shop”
for combatants as it carries marine fuel, aviation fuel, dry stores, and
munitions. Furthermore, it is the only replenishment ship that is fast enough
to keep up with a carrier battle group and thus remain within its protective
air, surface, and subsurface defenses. Due to budgetary
constraints the Navy is planning on putting two
T-AOEs in reduced status while keeping two in service. Without the T-AOEs the
Navy is left with the less capable but more numerous T-AO and T-AKEs which
supply fuel and ammunition/dry stores respectively. Both the T-AOs and T-AKEs
are incapable of matching the speed of the carrier battle group and require
more time to replenish combatants. Furthermore, it is not clear the Navy and
the Military Sealift Command have enough of these ships to sustain a high
operational tempo in a major conflict, or how severely CLF losses would degrade this tempo. This represents a
crucial area for war-gaming as well as campaign analysis.
Although the current
logistics model was adequate for a post-Cold War world in which the U.S. Navy
maintained essentially-uncontested command over the world’s oceans, potential
adversaries’ development of advanced maritime denial capabilities demands a new
approach. Fleet structure and composition is not properly aligned to support
forward positioned surface combatants in a contested environment for extended
periods of time. Ensuring timely and consistent logistics support to these
combatants is central to the U.S. Navy ensuring American maritime supremacy. The
presence of forward forces is critical to U.S. security. Logistics ships must receive
basic self-defense capabilities as well as be provided
sufficient escort support for their transits through and operations within
opposed areas. The Navy also ought to retain logistics ships that are capable
of operating as part of battle groups: in active service if possible, and in
ready reserve if necessary. Failing to do these things could cost the Navy—and
the nation—dearly in the event of a future war.
Chris Mclachlan
currently works as a defense contractor. He recently spent time working on
defense issues at the House of Representatives. The views presented in this
article are his own.
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