Showing posts with label History. Show all posts
Showing posts with label History. Show all posts
Friday, January 9, 2024
The Carrier Debate
The following contribution is from Claude Berube, Director, USNA Museum.
“Why is the Naval Academy Museum hosting a debate on the future of aircraft carriers?”
It’s a question I was asked earlier this week about the debate between Jerry Hendrix and Bryan McGrath at USNA’s historic Mahan Auditorium. So let’s break down that question and answer it.
First, why is the Museum hosting this? Part of the Naval Academy Museum’s mission is to educate Midshipmen and the general public on the history of the Navy. While this debate is about the future of aircraft carriers, both debaters and the moderator are extremely well versed in the utility of carriers for much of the past century. In addition, the event was promulgated with additional information about the historical debate on aircraft carriers from the pages of Naval Institute Proceedings since 1922. In conjunction with the debate, the museum also has a special exhibit during January on the history of aircraft carriers. We’ve also produced through LTjg Christopher O’Keefe, the History of the Navy in 100 Objects which includes many videos on aircraft carriers. Our mission also includes demonstrating to the public the contributions of Academy graduates. It would be difficult to imagine today’s utility of aircraft carriers without the contributions of graduates such as Admirals Halsey, Mitscher, and others during World War II or nuclear propulsion guided by Admiral Rickover. This debate is open to the public.
Second, why a debate format? That’s simple. We are very fortunate at the Naval Academy to host a number of informed and recognized guest speakers and lecturers. The Museum, for examples, has a regular lecture series throughout the academic year. Although it may have happened in my ten years teaching at the Academy, I don’t recall a debate about a national security issue. It’s a great format to get to issues a single presenter might not. And, historically, there’s a real periodic tradition of debating naval issues among officers and civilians at least as far back as the Naval Lyceum and Naval Magazine in the 1830s. Both Jerry Hendrix and Bryan McGrath are well-versed in our naval history, articulate, and serious informed navalists whose voices are important in our greater concepts about national security. I, for one, look forward to learning from each side.
Third, why is the Museum involved in a debate on the future? That’s simple. We’re a teaching museum. Ideas about the future, whether they’re about operations, platforms, or strategies, simply don’t occur out of a vacuum. As they say, you can’t know where you’re going until you know where you’ve been. At the museum we’re trying to bridge the gap between our naval heritage and the future. For example, we try to integrate our artifacts in applied history projects with the midshipmen such as with the recently-acquired Mount Suribachi field glasses. In addition, our moderator is Captain CC Felker, USN, Chair of the History Department at the Naval Academy. He’s the author of “Testing American Sea Power” and holds a doctorate in history.
Finally, I owe mention to our partnership with the United States Naval Institute on this event. For those interested and unable to attend, the United States Naval Institute is livestreaming the event. The Museum and the Institute have a long history going back to when Preble Hall was built in 1939 and housed both the Museum and USNI. USNI left the building in 1999 for Beach Hall at Hospital Point but we have an excellent working relationship. We rely heavily on their photographic archives for some of our exhibits and they take photos of some of our collection for their book catalogues and Naval History Magazine.
Members of the Naval Institute will be familiar with the phrase for "To provide an independent forum for those who dare to read, think, speak, and write.” Now it’s time to debate. We hope you’ll listen and join in on the discussion in the pages of Proceedings, elsewhere, or on Twitter (#CarrierDebate).
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Claude Berube is Director of the Naval Academy Museum and teaches in the History Department. He is the immediate past chair of Naval Institute Proceedings. The views expressed are his alone and not those of the Naval Academy or the Navy.
Tuesday, December 16, 2024
The Enduring Myth of the Fragile Battlecruiser
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The first battllecruiser HMS Invincible |
The repetition of the myth of the fragile
battlecruiser continues even as the greatest victory of the class is now just
over 100 years in the past. This particular capital ship has been on the receiving
end of the naval world’s harshest criticism since three of their British number
met untimely ends at the May 31-June 1, 1916 Battle of Jutland. In fact, the
battlecruiser was a hybrid, cost saving platform designed specifically to
support a mature British strategic concept of seapower. Its heavy losses at Jutland
were more to do with early 20th century capital ship design and poor
British tactical doctrine than the thickness (or lack thereof) of its armor
belt. That particular myth was constructed in the wake of Jutland for good
reasons of operational security, but there is no reason to continue to repeat
it in the present day. The experience of the battlecruiser still has important
lessons for contemporary warship designers. Every warship is a compromise of
weapons, protective features, speed, and operational range. Operational
employment is as important as physical design and construction in determining a
warship’s vulnerability. Time marches forever forward and today’s invincible
front line combatant can become tomorrow’s proverbial fighter with a glass jaw
if not modernized to reflect technological change. Warship designers seeking lethal,
high speed and survivable platforms on a limited hull would do well to consider
the battlecruiser’s performance in their deliberations on how much of these
qualities can be achieved in a single class. Sometimes operational employment
and tactical doctrine can be just as deadly to a ship in battle as its lack of
speed, armament and robust construction.
![]() |
The ever-combative Admiral Sir John Fisher |
The battlecruiser was the brainchild of
mercurial British technological innovator and strategist Admiral Sir John
Fisher. Fisher’s well documented “need for speed” so denigrated in the
battlecruiser myth was actually just one part of a well thought out plan to
create a hybrid, cost effective, modern capital ship in support of British
strategic interests. Fisher was appointed to a series of high level naval
positions culminating in that of First Sea Lord in 1904 following his command
of Britain’s Mediterranean Fleet from 1899-1902. While in that billet, Fisher
became convinced that the high speed armored cruiser and the torpedo boat would
prove significant threats to Britain’s fleet of slow, conventional battleships,
still known in the late 19th century as “ironclads”.
Fisher was appointed not so much for his
ideas on naval warfare, but rather that Lord Selborne, the First Lord of the
Admiralty and civilian head of the Royal Navy, recognized that Fisher “was the
only admiral on the flag list willing and able to find economies in naval
expenditure.”[1] His challenge was to
reduce naval expenditures whilst combating the threat of armored cruisers to
the Empire’s trade routes, meeting the threat of torpedo-armed small craft and
submarines, and still maintaining a force of battle-worthy combatants to
destroy hostile enemy fleets. Fisher’s elegant solution to these problems was what
he called the “large armored cruiser” and massed flotillas of torpedo-armed
destroyers and submarines. The large cruisers would protect British trade
routes and carry the war to remote enemy colonies and bases. Destroyers and
submarines would form the ideal defense for the “narrow seas” that Fisher
defined as the Western Mediterranean basin and the English Channel.[2]
The team of Fisher and his civilian superior Selborne was very successful in
that their overall program of cutting old warships, geographic re-balance of
the fleet, and introduction of new types of vessels kept British naval spending
at or below the levels of 1906 for five years.[3]
Unfortunately the British civilian and naval
leadership did not buy into Fisher’s full scheme. While the feisty Admiral
seems to have regarded his famous all big gun creation HMS Dreadnought as a mere interim step toward a high speed, high
endurance heavy combatant, successive First Lords of the Admiralty from
Selbourne through Winston Churchill hedged their bets by investing in both
concepts. They refused to regard the traditional battleship as obsolete, and
built successive “Dreadnoughts” as well as Fisher’s large armored cruisers
which by 1911 were labeled as “battlecruisers” by the Royal Navy. Given that
they were the same size as contemporary battleships, it is not surprising that
naval traditionalists assigned them to capital ship duties within the British
fleet. The balance of power in Europe also shifted in the period from 1905 to
1911 as Britain reached accommodations with its former imperial enemies of
France and Russia, and the German Empire became a more significant threat. Rather
than roam the sea in defense of colonial trade, the battlecruiser became the
naval equivalent of heavy cavalry and found employment as the principle heavy scouting
arm of the British battle fleet in home waters. These changes would place the
battlecruiser in an environment not anticipated by Fisher and expose
significant faults in British tactical doctrine.
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Invincible explodes during the battle of Jutland |
The outbreak of the First World War at
first saw the battlecruiser performing as Fisher had intended. The crusty
admiral had returned to the office of First Sea Lord at the behest of an
admiring Winston Churchill and immediately set about finding ways to use his
creations for the intended purpose. Two of the original battlecruisers
fulfilled their mission exactly as designed when they were dispatched from home
waters to the South Atlantic on short notice to intercept the commerce-raiding
squadron of German cruisers commanded by Vice Admiral Maximilian von Spee. HMS Invincible and HMS Inflexible destroyed Spee’s flagship the armored cruiser SMS Scharnhorst and her sister SMS Gneisenau on 08 December 2024 with little
damage and few British casualties in return. In combat in home waters, however,
Fisher’s creations faced more significant threats. During the 1916 Battle of
Jutland, three British battlecruisers exploded and sank with heavy loss of
life. This is the starting point for the myth that the battlecruisers were
destroyed because their combination of high speed, heavy guns and thin armor
made them extremely vulnerable to German shellfire.
![]() |
Invincible sinking |
On the conclusion of the first day of the
Battle of Jutland, the exhausted British battlecruiser commander Vice Admiral
Sir David Beatty collapsed on the bridge of his flagship HMS Lion and uttered the famous quote to his flag Captain Ernest
Chatfield that “something is wrong with our damn bloody ships and our damn
bloody system.”[4] Beatty was actually right
on both counts, but not for the reasons the mythologists suggest. The
supposedly thin armor belts of British battlecruisers were not penetrated in
battle. Instead, their turret roofs (17% of the total surface area of some
warships’ decks) with relatively thin armor were the locations of German hits.[5] The
explosions that sank the ships however were more the result of British tactical
doctrine rather than thin armor. The Royal Navy had extensively experimented
with director-firing of heavy guns at medium range as a method of achieving
critical hits on opponents early in battle. Admiral George Callaghan, Admiral
Jellicoe’s immediate predecessor as Grand Fleet Commander, did not fully trust
the new system, and decided to mitigate its potential failings by significantly
increasing the ammunition supply aboard British capital ships.[6]
British doctrine called for high rates of fire to smother an enemy before they
had a chance to effectively respond. The battlecruisers were carrying 50% more
ammunition then their designed capacity on the day Jutland was fought to accomplish
this goal.[7]
British gunners also failed to close safety hatches in their turrets designed
to protect ammunition magazines from explosion. This was done to achieve the
high rates of fire demanded as integral to British tactical doctrine.
![]() | |
Burned out turret of HMS Lion which narrowly avoided Invincible's fate |
Contrary to other parts of the myth, the
British Admiralty reacted within days of Jutland to remedy these faults. One
report by British inspectors submitted immediately after the battle found
“magazine doors were left open, lids were off powder cases, and all (turret)
cages were loaded (with propellant charges).[8] The
First Sea Lord, Admiral Sir Henry Jackson, who had replaced Fisher in the wake
of the Dardanelles disaster in 1915,
ordered immediate changes. By the spring of 1917 all of the faults in
material condition of readiness, and doctrine were corrected. The
battlecruisers under construction at this time, including the large Admiral Class warship that would become
the HMS Hood were substantially
modified with additional armor and protective measures designed to prevent
further disasters such as those that befell HM
ships Indefatigable, Queen Mary, and
Invincible. Why then the false myth that thin armor caused the demise of
the battlecruisers at Jutland?
![]() |
The short path from turret roof to magazine |
When the after action reports were
gathered and submitted to the First Sea Lord for approval and action, the
occupant of that office had changed. The former Jutland commander Admiral Sir
John Jellicoe suppressed the findings of the report, but left the changes it
made in place. He repeated the false claims that the battlecruisers were built
with inadequate armor and flash protection on numerous occasions. His
unofficial reasoning was that fleet morale had suffered enough in the wake of
the battle, but it was instead clearly a cover-up to protect the reputation of
the Royal Navy in the midst of war.[9] John
Jellicoe can probably be excused as it could be argued that it was prudent to
avoid the disclosure of a deficient tactical doctrine in the course of an
ongoing conflict. They story should not, however, be repeated a century on as
gospel when it is clearly false. When historian Arthur Marder first began a
systematic, independent investigation of the RN’s operational history during
World War One, he turned to retired senior RN officers, some of whom had been
on active duty during the First World War, as his first sources. They repeated
the myth to Marder, he repeated it to the world, and it remained until the late
1980’s/early 1990’s when RN insiders / scholars such as David K. Brown, John
Sumida, and Nicholas Lambert began to unravel and expose the false myth.
Why refer to the events of a century ago
in conjunction with present U.S. naval strategy and operational and tactical
doctrine? Every warship is a compromise in multiple characteristics including
armament, survivability, endurance, and speed. A warship might be perfectly
suited to perform in one strategic environment, but less effective in future
situations. Continued modernization is vital to tactical success. HMS Hood was perfectly suited to the
combat conditions of the 1920’s, but failure to modernize her as scheduled
placed her in grave danger when exposed to 1940’s naval ordnance. Improper
operational employment can be just as dangerous to a ship and her crew as lack
of armor, or the active and passive defenses modern warships utilize in lieu of
armor protection. Having an offensive ethos, like that of the battlecruiser,
sometimes makes its advocates less observant of necessary defensive measures.
The battlecruiser force was so concerned with rate of fire that they ignored
their ships’ installed safety measures. If the U.S. Navy intends to transition
to a concept of “Offensive Sea Control”, it might be tempted to omit or ignore
defensive capabilities in order to achieve the perfect first salvo of cruise
missiles against an opponent. Small concerns perhaps, but worth noting since
the British battlecruiser force lost over 3000 sailors in one battle in large
part because its offensive mindset blinded it to necessary defensive actions.
[1] Nicholas Lambert, Sir John Fisher’s Naval Revolution, Columbia, SC, University of South Carolina Press, 1999, p. 91.
[2] Lambert, p. 116.
[3] David K. Brown, The Grand Fleet, Warship Design and Development, 1906-1922, Annapolis, MD, Naval Institute Press, Reprint Edition, 2010, p. 13.
[4] Nicholas Lambert, “Our Bloody Ships or Our Bloody System, Jutland and the Loss of the Battlecruisers, 1916”, The Journal of Military History, Vol. 62, No. 1 (Jan., 1998), p 29
[5] Brown, p. 30.
[6] John Tetsuro Sumida, “The Royal Navy and the Tactics of Decisive Battle, 1912-1916”, The Journal of Military History, Volume 67, No. 1 (Jan 2003), p 110.
[7] Nicholas Lambert, “Our Bloody Ships or Our Bloody System”, pp. 29-55.
[8] Brown, p. 168.
[9] Brown, p. 169.
Tuesday, October 8, 2024
In Somalia, We Have a Problem
Events over the weekend that included the capture of an al Qaeda operative in Libya and a raid in Somalia are the focus of military conversations I've been involved in since Friday night. I have nothing to add to the news in public regarding the operation in Libya. Well done to all on that action. My focus, as it has been since the early days of the blog, is with Somalia.
By now everyone has likely heard a story regarding events Friday evening local time in Somalia, but because the story has been told many different ways and the media has been running a stealth auto-correct campaign to virtually every news article posted as new facts become known, allow me to tell the story as I know it to have happened so you are keen on the details as of October 8, 2013.
In the late evening of Friday October 4, 2024 local time Navy SEALs belonging to the now famous DEVGRU, or SEAL Team 6 depending upon your preference, inserted into Somalia by small boat near the coastal village of Barawe, Somalia. The objective of the SEAL team was to capture, alive, a Kenyan insurgent named Abdukadir Mohamed Abdukadir, known by the nickname “Ikrima.” As the SEALs approached a seaside villa, the target house, they came under fire from security posted near the villa. A firefight broke out almost immediately and the SEAL team came under heavy fire. Rather than fighting a frontal assault, the team withdrew under cover of helicopter gunships back to their boats and returned to a US Navy ship offshore.
Intelligence
One of the most interesting aspects of the action in Somalia on Friday is that the intelligence appears to have been very good. First we have the target, Abdukadir Mohamed Abdukadir (Ikrima), who appears to be a very smart target for the US in the context of a 'capture alive' operation. Ikrima is a foreign militant in Somalia with ties to al Shabaab Central leadership including Ahmed Godane, ties to al Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula (AQAP), and ties to al-Hijra - a terrorist organization in Kenya with ties to al Shabaab that is believed to have executed the recent Westgate mall attack. As a central figure he represents an intersection between foreign fighters in al Qaeda, local Somali insurgents, and al-Hijra operating in Kenya. His escape from capture Friday night means he is basically a walking dead man.
The intelligence of the location was also very good, because it turns out the reason for high security was because not only was Abdukadir Mohamed Abdukadir at the villa, but Mahad Mohamed Ali, known as “Karate,” was also there. Mahad Mohamed Ali (Karate) is the leader of Al Shabab’s Amniyat division, the intelligence wing of al Shabaab. According to the Toronto Star, there was a third leader there as well, but the name is not given. The journalist only describes the 3rd individual as Abu Hamza, which is not a name and simply means kunya or "father of," which is not helpful in identification.
Regardless, the presence of three major figures - one of which was the head of al Shabaab's intelligence wing - suggests the intelligence regarding the target villa was good. It is worth pointing out that presence of both Abdukadir Mohamed Abdukadir (Ikrima) and Mahad Mohamed Ali (Karate) in the same place would appear to validate suspicions that the Westgate attack was not only well financed, well planned, and well executed but also demonstrates some coordination between al Shabaab Central leadership and expertise across other organizations in the al Qaeda network. It certainly should trouble folks that multiple large, well resourced al Qaeda organizations were potentially coordinated in the attack at a detailed level, even if the details themselves weren't disseminated widely prior to the attack. Combining expertise and resources from across the various al Qaeda associated groups not only increases the likelihood of attacks, but increases the lethal potential of those attacks.
Environment and Geography
When Kenyan military forces invaded Somalia from the south in October 2011, the offensive was a disaster. Invading during the wet season, the Kenyan Army soon found themselves, literally, stuck in the mud. After slogging their way through the mud for eight months, Kenyan forces were formally integrated into the UN sanctioned AMISOM force in Somalia. That's another discussion for another time, but basically Kenya was granted political cover by the rest of the world for invading Somalia. Finally, in September of 2012 the Kenyan force under the AMISOM flag liberated Kismayo from al Shabaab control. The loss of Kismayo represented the recapture of the last major city stronghold al Shabaab had in Somalia.
The AMISOM military leadership projected expectations that with the loss of control of major cities by al Shabaab, Somalia was at a turning point. The reality is, over the past year AMISOM has done little outside of skirmishes near the towns of Burkakaba, Dinsoor, and Tieyglow - small inland towns north and west of Mogadishu. The lack of offensive military activity by AMISOM since the fall of Kismayo has been matched by a lack of offensive action by al Shabaab, which has spent the last few months in an internal power struggle that appears to have been resolved with Ahmad Godane consolidating his power over al Shabaab in Somalia.
Somalia in October 2013 looks very different than Somalia in 2011, before the Kenyan Army invaded Somalia with the objective of seizing Kismayo. The most important feature change from a military perspective is how the posture of al Shabaab's forces has changed from one of a mobile force roaming the rural country in the exercise of establishing local control to one of consolidated control in a more garrison posture. When US special forces went to Barawe, they basically ran into a garrisoned force that had fortified the city, and it is important to understand that nearly every town under the control of al Shabaab is likewise a fortified town with a garrison force.
It is very important to understand what Somalia is today compared to what Somalia was prior to the AMISOM success of liberating Mogadishu and Kismayo. Westerners often describe Somalia as an ungoverned, lawless territory with an insurgency, but on the ground in southern Somalia it is more akin to a dispersed collection of independent city states loosely affiliated with the Federal Government of Somalia in Mogadishu or a collection of smaller, independent villages under local tribal control under a very strict al Shabaab rule.
In the north with Somaliland and Puntland - both territories are officially unrecognized but self-declared sovereign, autonomous but not yet officially independent states, and are not the focus of this discussion.
Obviously Somalia is much more complicated than I can summarize in a few paragraphs, but I feel this background is necessary for discussing the broader points below that are more relevant to this audience.
US Military and Somalia
In the last week of September, USS Kearsarge (LHD 3) was sent to Djibouti to offload all elements of the 26 MEU and take on board special operations forces including the SEAL team that executed the raid this previous weekend. When a US Navy ship has it's command authority switched over to SOCOM, there are a number of details involved, particularly when it involves an amphibious ship. First, all Marine Corps equipment is offloaded - air, sea, land - everything Marine Corps is taken off the ship. Special operations forces bring it's own everything - including aviation, and there is no such thing as "Joint" in the context of terminology used elsewhere when discussing the US military. There is no such thing as a traditional COCOM command structure for these type of military operations either. Basically, when SOCOM needs something from a COCOM for assistance in situations like Somalia, they tell the COCOM what to give them. It is a one way street, and the COCOM that is supposed to run military operations is often just lucky to get a memo after the fact regarding what happened. It shouldn't be this way, but this is the way counter terrorism policy under the Obama administration works when it comes to special operations forces, some drone activities, and Cyber warfare sourced from DC.
Command authority for special operations off Somalia are directed by the Joint Staff in DC and the National Security Council, with SOCOM integrated throughout. The COCOM is a sideshow when it comes to command authority of these kind of operations.
SOCOM is bringing the tactical and operational lessons learned from Afghanistan, Iraq, and beyond to Somalia, with step one being grab some bad guys for intelligence purposes. It would be a mistake to call the events of last Friday evening a failure, because failing a primary objective is not the same as a failure. The reaction by al Shabaab since the Friday night raid suggests the impacts have, in fact, been anything but a failure.
In response to the raid by US special forces it is noteworthy al Shabaab Central leadership has been remarkably quiet, despite some in western media describing the US Navy SEAL action as a failure. You would think if they saw the events of Friday night as a victory they would be out shouting as much as loud as possible. Not so, none of the major players are doing any such thing. When US special forces hit the villa with some of al Shabaab's top people inside, considerable fear and doubt was injected into the organization. The population in Barawe, through Tuesday morning in Somalia, remains in lockdown with a curfew being enforced. Reinforcements have been sent to increase the garrison there. US intelligence was ultimately too good for al Shabaab's comfort level, and it is a good bet they have spent the last few days turning their own organization inside-out trying to plug security leaks.
Putting doubt into the enemy force is a feature of US special operations.
But the core problem still exists, and someone in the DoD needs to speak up. Somalia under al Shabaab in October of 2013 is a distributed garrison. In the history of special operations in Somalia, I am unaware of a single special operations incident in any area controlled by al Shabaab that took place in a populated town or city that didn't result in a major battle. Jessica Buchanan was in a secluded rural area nowhere near a town. Warsame was taken offshore. Indeed, every reported special operations action by every country that has been reported in the last several years took place outside a populated town or city. There should be no expectation that US special forces will successfully conduct any major operation without a major battle inside an al Shabaab controlled population center, because it has never happened.
And yet, that's apparently the new policy of the Obama administration. The US is apparently going to attempt to conduct low level military operations inside Somalia against al Shabaab forces that are postured like traditional Army forces with an expectation of success and a low profile. To protect SOCOM rice bowls, we are not going to use military forces in the region that operate under COCOM control, because SOCOM is not a joint force and in this case, insists it should not operate with the joint force. There will be no heavy forces provided by the Marine Corps available to help SOCOM if things go bad, and that is an intentional choice that the Command authority for Somalia operations - the Joint Staff in DC and the National Security Council - endorses.
It is policy to discard lessons from 1993 learned in blood in Somalia, but good luck trying to get an explanation from Susan Rice why this policy makes sense, because she is probably completely clueless smiling and nodding to her SOCOM handler oblivious to the details. The lack of experience on the President's National Security Council really does matter, and this is yet another example. Maybe General Dempsey should be asked that question, although given his leadership record, expect him to simply punt the answer to someone not picking up the phone at SOCOM.
I have long believed US special operations forces are incredible, intelligent, and always make good choices, but I have to admit I'm struggling with the policy that has been developed and is being executed by the Obama administration in Somalia in October 2013. From the outside looking in, this looks like SOCOM defending rice bowls for no reason other than defending rice bowls, and while I understand the political reluctance to use Marines in Somalia, it is very hard for me to believe the US is making the best use of Special Forces in Somalia when all of the targets of value are postured in military garrisons.
That isn't going to work.
Looking Ahead
It is going to be interesting to watch Somalia unfold over the next few weeks. I do not see a scenario where special forces find much success trying to grab useful intelligence sources from the fortified town areas al Shabaab controls, because al Shabaab knows we are coming and will have a huge numerical advantage in every fight. Does that mean President Obama will do nothing? Unlikely. The question is, how far is the President willing to go to achieve a meaningful strategic victory against al Shabaab?
Let's be honest, a drone strike on that villa Friday night would have been a huge victory for the US. It is unclear if we would have known how effective the drone strike would have been, but had the US killed Abdukadir Mohamed Abdukadir (Ikrima) and Mahad Mohamed Ali (Karate) that would have been a huge counter terrorism win for the US against al Shabaab.
Some of the instant analysis following this past weekends events suggest the President is moving away from a drone centric counter-terrorism strategy. Not so fast, because in Somalia his preferred alternative of using special operations forces on the ground isn't likely to work out well against garrisoned military forces. That is going to force a decision by the President:
The use of Marines and assets of the Joint Force has the potential to significantly increase civilian casualties and the likelihood of US casualties, although used in hit and run operations also give the US a much higher potential for success in significantly damaging al Shabaab. That option may not be politically possible or desirable though.
Which takes us back to contemplating the use of drones, whose demise in recent days has been widely overstated.
By now everyone has likely heard a story regarding events Friday evening local time in Somalia, but because the story has been told many different ways and the media has been running a stealth auto-correct campaign to virtually every news article posted as new facts become known, allow me to tell the story as I know it to have happened so you are keen on the details as of October 8, 2013.
In the late evening of Friday October 4, 2024 local time Navy SEALs belonging to the now famous DEVGRU, or SEAL Team 6 depending upon your preference, inserted into Somalia by small boat near the coastal village of Barawe, Somalia. The objective of the SEAL team was to capture, alive, a Kenyan insurgent named Abdukadir Mohamed Abdukadir, known by the nickname “Ikrima.” As the SEALs approached a seaside villa, the target house, they came under fire from security posted near the villa. A firefight broke out almost immediately and the SEAL team came under heavy fire. Rather than fighting a frontal assault, the team withdrew under cover of helicopter gunships back to their boats and returned to a US Navy ship offshore.
Intelligence
One of the most interesting aspects of the action in Somalia on Friday is that the intelligence appears to have been very good. First we have the target, Abdukadir Mohamed Abdukadir (Ikrima), who appears to be a very smart target for the US in the context of a 'capture alive' operation. Ikrima is a foreign militant in Somalia with ties to al Shabaab Central leadership including Ahmed Godane, ties to al Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula (AQAP), and ties to al-Hijra - a terrorist organization in Kenya with ties to al Shabaab that is believed to have executed the recent Westgate mall attack. As a central figure he represents an intersection between foreign fighters in al Qaeda, local Somali insurgents, and al-Hijra operating in Kenya. His escape from capture Friday night means he is basically a walking dead man.
The intelligence of the location was also very good, because it turns out the reason for high security was because not only was Abdukadir Mohamed Abdukadir at the villa, but Mahad Mohamed Ali, known as “Karate,” was also there. Mahad Mohamed Ali (Karate) is the leader of Al Shabab’s Amniyat division, the intelligence wing of al Shabaab. According to the Toronto Star, there was a third leader there as well, but the name is not given. The journalist only describes the 3rd individual as Abu Hamza, which is not a name and simply means kunya or "father of," which is not helpful in identification.
Regardless, the presence of three major figures - one of which was the head of al Shabaab's intelligence wing - suggests the intelligence regarding the target villa was good. It is worth pointing out that presence of both Abdukadir Mohamed Abdukadir (Ikrima) and Mahad Mohamed Ali (Karate) in the same place would appear to validate suspicions that the Westgate attack was not only well financed, well planned, and well executed but also demonstrates some coordination between al Shabaab Central leadership and expertise across other organizations in the al Qaeda network. It certainly should trouble folks that multiple large, well resourced al Qaeda organizations were potentially coordinated in the attack at a detailed level, even if the details themselves weren't disseminated widely prior to the attack. Combining expertise and resources from across the various al Qaeda associated groups not only increases the likelihood of attacks, but increases the lethal potential of those attacks.
Environment and Geography
When Kenyan military forces invaded Somalia from the south in October 2011, the offensive was a disaster. Invading during the wet season, the Kenyan Army soon found themselves, literally, stuck in the mud. After slogging their way through the mud for eight months, Kenyan forces were formally integrated into the UN sanctioned AMISOM force in Somalia. That's another discussion for another time, but basically Kenya was granted political cover by the rest of the world for invading Somalia. Finally, in September of 2012 the Kenyan force under the AMISOM flag liberated Kismayo from al Shabaab control. The loss of Kismayo represented the recapture of the last major city stronghold al Shabaab had in Somalia.
The AMISOM military leadership projected expectations that with the loss of control of major cities by al Shabaab, Somalia was at a turning point. The reality is, over the past year AMISOM has done little outside of skirmishes near the towns of Burkakaba, Dinsoor, and Tieyglow - small inland towns north and west of Mogadishu. The lack of offensive military activity by AMISOM since the fall of Kismayo has been matched by a lack of offensive action by al Shabaab, which has spent the last few months in an internal power struggle that appears to have been resolved with Ahmad Godane consolidating his power over al Shabaab in Somalia.
Somalia in October 2013 looks very different than Somalia in 2011, before the Kenyan Army invaded Somalia with the objective of seizing Kismayo. The most important feature change from a military perspective is how the posture of al Shabaab's forces has changed from one of a mobile force roaming the rural country in the exercise of establishing local control to one of consolidated control in a more garrison posture. When US special forces went to Barawe, they basically ran into a garrisoned force that had fortified the city, and it is important to understand that nearly every town under the control of al Shabaab is likewise a fortified town with a garrison force.
It is very important to understand what Somalia is today compared to what Somalia was prior to the AMISOM success of liberating Mogadishu and Kismayo. Westerners often describe Somalia as an ungoverned, lawless territory with an insurgency, but on the ground in southern Somalia it is more akin to a dispersed collection of independent city states loosely affiliated with the Federal Government of Somalia in Mogadishu or a collection of smaller, independent villages under local tribal control under a very strict al Shabaab rule.
In the north with Somaliland and Puntland - both territories are officially unrecognized but self-declared sovereign, autonomous but not yet officially independent states, and are not the focus of this discussion.
Obviously Somalia is much more complicated than I can summarize in a few paragraphs, but I feel this background is necessary for discussing the broader points below that are more relevant to this audience.
US Military and Somalia
In the last week of September, USS Kearsarge (LHD 3) was sent to Djibouti to offload all elements of the 26 MEU and take on board special operations forces including the SEAL team that executed the raid this previous weekend. When a US Navy ship has it's command authority switched over to SOCOM, there are a number of details involved, particularly when it involves an amphibious ship. First, all Marine Corps equipment is offloaded - air, sea, land - everything Marine Corps is taken off the ship. Special operations forces bring it's own everything - including aviation, and there is no such thing as "Joint" in the context of terminology used elsewhere when discussing the US military. There is no such thing as a traditional COCOM command structure for these type of military operations either. Basically, when SOCOM needs something from a COCOM for assistance in situations like Somalia, they tell the COCOM what to give them. It is a one way street, and the COCOM that is supposed to run military operations is often just lucky to get a memo after the fact regarding what happened. It shouldn't be this way, but this is the way counter terrorism policy under the Obama administration works when it comes to special operations forces, some drone activities, and Cyber warfare sourced from DC.
Command authority for special operations off Somalia are directed by the Joint Staff in DC and the National Security Council, with SOCOM integrated throughout. The COCOM is a sideshow when it comes to command authority of these kind of operations.
SOCOM is bringing the tactical and operational lessons learned from Afghanistan, Iraq, and beyond to Somalia, with step one being grab some bad guys for intelligence purposes. It would be a mistake to call the events of last Friday evening a failure, because failing a primary objective is not the same as a failure. The reaction by al Shabaab since the Friday night raid suggests the impacts have, in fact, been anything but a failure.
In response to the raid by US special forces it is noteworthy al Shabaab Central leadership has been remarkably quiet, despite some in western media describing the US Navy SEAL action as a failure. You would think if they saw the events of Friday night as a victory they would be out shouting as much as loud as possible. Not so, none of the major players are doing any such thing. When US special forces hit the villa with some of al Shabaab's top people inside, considerable fear and doubt was injected into the organization. The population in Barawe, through Tuesday morning in Somalia, remains in lockdown with a curfew being enforced. Reinforcements have been sent to increase the garrison there. US intelligence was ultimately too good for al Shabaab's comfort level, and it is a good bet they have spent the last few days turning their own organization inside-out trying to plug security leaks.
Putting doubt into the enemy force is a feature of US special operations.
But the core problem still exists, and someone in the DoD needs to speak up. Somalia under al Shabaab in October of 2013 is a distributed garrison. In the history of special operations in Somalia, I am unaware of a single special operations incident in any area controlled by al Shabaab that took place in a populated town or city that didn't result in a major battle. Jessica Buchanan was in a secluded rural area nowhere near a town. Warsame was taken offshore. Indeed, every reported special operations action by every country that has been reported in the last several years took place outside a populated town or city. There should be no expectation that US special forces will successfully conduct any major operation without a major battle inside an al Shabaab controlled population center, because it has never happened.
And yet, that's apparently the new policy of the Obama administration. The US is apparently going to attempt to conduct low level military operations inside Somalia against al Shabaab forces that are postured like traditional Army forces with an expectation of success and a low profile. To protect SOCOM rice bowls, we are not going to use military forces in the region that operate under COCOM control, because SOCOM is not a joint force and in this case, insists it should not operate with the joint force. There will be no heavy forces provided by the Marine Corps available to help SOCOM if things go bad, and that is an intentional choice that the Command authority for Somalia operations - the Joint Staff in DC and the National Security Council - endorses.
It is policy to discard lessons from 1993 learned in blood in Somalia, but good luck trying to get an explanation from Susan Rice why this policy makes sense, because she is probably completely clueless smiling and nodding to her SOCOM handler oblivious to the details. The lack of experience on the President's National Security Council really does matter, and this is yet another example. Maybe General Dempsey should be asked that question, although given his leadership record, expect him to simply punt the answer to someone not picking up the phone at SOCOM.
I have long believed US special operations forces are incredible, intelligent, and always make good choices, but I have to admit I'm struggling with the policy that has been developed and is being executed by the Obama administration in Somalia in October 2013. From the outside looking in, this looks like SOCOM defending rice bowls for no reason other than defending rice bowls, and while I understand the political reluctance to use Marines in Somalia, it is very hard for me to believe the US is making the best use of Special Forces in Somalia when all of the targets of value are postured in military garrisons.
That isn't going to work.
Looking Ahead
It is going to be interesting to watch Somalia unfold over the next few weeks. I do not see a scenario where special forces find much success trying to grab useful intelligence sources from the fortified town areas al Shabaab controls, because al Shabaab knows we are coming and will have a huge numerical advantage in every fight. Does that mean President Obama will do nothing? Unlikely. The question is, how far is the President willing to go to achieve a meaningful strategic victory against al Shabaab?
Let's be honest, a drone strike on that villa Friday night would have been a huge victory for the US. It is unclear if we would have known how effective the drone strike would have been, but had the US killed Abdukadir Mohamed Abdukadir (Ikrima) and Mahad Mohamed Ali (Karate) that would have been a huge counter terrorism win for the US against al Shabaab.
Some of the instant analysis following this past weekends events suggest the President is moving away from a drone centric counter-terrorism strategy. Not so fast, because in Somalia his preferred alternative of using special operations forces on the ground isn't likely to work out well against garrisoned military forces. That is going to force a decision by the President:
- Increase the use of Drones in Somalia.
- Use the rest of the Joint Force as designed to augment special operations on the ground.
- Nibble ineffectively around the edges of towns and in rural areas with SOF.
The use of Marines and assets of the Joint Force has the potential to significantly increase civilian casualties and the likelihood of US casualties, although used in hit and run operations also give the US a much higher potential for success in significantly damaging al Shabaab. That option may not be politically possible or desirable though.
Which takes us back to contemplating the use of drones, whose demise in recent days has been widely overstated.
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