Monday, June 23, 2024

The Next Twelve Weeks

There is currently a contest taking place between the military of Israel and the military of the United States, who can be quieter regarding Iran. Sure there is no shortage of politicians who will discuss the topic, but in politics it is only worth noting when nobody says a word. While the western media has been openly discussing the Israeli air power exercises that took place last week, many claims being it was an exercise designed to simulate an attack on Iran, the Israeli military hasn't said a word about it. What is also interesting, yet not reported that we can tell, is how we also observe almost no media coverage regarding what the US military is doing in the Middle East. All those ships, all those planes, and yet no press.

Hiding in plain sight is something we have been observing that is at least as interesting as a major Israeli air power demonstration: the news from sources other than official military regarding military activities in the Middle East excluding Iraq has almost completely disappeared. Somehow we think that if the absence is a result of the media shying away from embed reporting, that the US citizen is who is really losing out. We used to consider "Fox" Fallon pretty good regarding controlling the message regarding Naval activity in the Gulf, but we are observing that a major OPSEC change has either been officially or unofficially enacted, because military news from the Persian Gulf region has been replaced by a black hole, a near absolute absence of information. We cannot possibly be the only ones who have noticed.

We find it hard to believe Israel would conduct a major military demonstration that coincidently takes place right before the US Navy CNO spends four days in Israel. We observe that Israel has begun a major orchestration of events with a broad approach for the region. On one hand we have an Israeli President nearly absent any power at all propped up by some hidden political force internally attempting to resolve a major negotiation with Hamas that could still go either way, and on the other hand we have rising tensions between Israel and Iran of which the same President is being blamed for failure to get a meaningful response from the international community to deal with the Iranian nuclear issue.

We believe the next twelve weeks will be important in regards to events between Israel and Iran. Over the next six weeks we will observe some of the largest international displays of naval power that will take place this year, exercises in both the Atlantic and Pacific theaters that will combine international Navies in cooperation for dealing with various threats, including several wartime scenarios. That essentially allows for a six week disinformation campaign by all sides, but also the window of opportunity to reach a peaceful solution. While the west does not appear to have a sense of urgency on the issue, we observe the Israeli's do, and they are dependent on factors other than their own capability regarding when the time to strike would be.

The six week period leading into the first week of August will be followed by major US Navy rotations of forces, timing of which will just happen to put the most US naval forces at sea either deploying to or returning from major theaters of operation, and at the same time, the US Navy will have the next group of naval forces for the winter deployments begin workup operations as they prepare for deployments later this year. All in all, we will see half the US Navy in motion, an occurrence that usually happens twice a year, and the last time in 2008 will start in about 6 weeks.

If Israel intends to coordinate any military attack against Iran during a period of time when the US Navy is at a high level of readiness, we observe that windows of opportunity will begin roughly the first week of August, just prior to the beginning of the Olympic Games, and last into mid September. Taking a historic look at the choreography that leads up to military operations, which always includes disinformation and deceptions by Israel, we tend to believe it will be that six week window leading until mid September that Israel could potentially unilaterally strike Iran. The necessity to avoid creating an oil shock as a result of the absence of sufficient international naval forces in the Middle East tends to suggest this would be the time Israel would choose for such a strike. We observe that this coincides with the same time period that Israel bombed the nuclear facility in Syria last year.

However, with the activity of Israel in mind, this analysis does not explain the OPSEC change that has either officially or unofficially occurred with the US military forces in the region outside Iraq. While it is purely speculative to suggest, one might call such a change to represent a shift in tasking, away from traditional duties towards what one might speculate as battlefield preparation. This shift would seem relevant to Iran, who can't possibly be oblivious to the absence of any hard news of military activity in the Gulf region, because it implies their window for a negotiated conclusion may be closing as well. It is hard to predict how Iran might respond when their intelligence concludes an attack is imminent.

Sunday, June 22, 2024

6th Fleet Focus: Building Silent Partnerships

The submarine force is undergoing its rotations, and because this is all part of regular rotations we don't usually post about it, but the last paragraph of this story regarding the deployment of the USS Boise (SSN 764) caught our attention.
USS Boise will complete some final systems testing in conjunction with the start of her overseas transit because she left a little sooner than planned, the Navy said.
We have seen it suggested in a few places the deployment is in response to this activity, but we don't think so. Israel might be getting the bulk of the headlines, but this is the theater to keep your eye on.

This may seem like a small thing, but this is one of many reasons we expect to hear about some fighting soon in that region. We don't expect foreign involvement on the ground, but the intelligence assets appear to be on the move... and we are not talking about just the Boise.

Submarine activity in that region is hiding in plain sight off and on, but we believe it is about to become a permanent station for a US submarine, and be part of the silent partnership to insure better intelligence regionally for forces to deal with emerging problems.

7th Fleet Focus: CV63 Riding the Waves

This helicopter was parked in a bad spot.




Probably not good for the service life.

5th Fleet Focus: Order of Battle

Order of Battle in the 5th Fleet Area of Responsibility.


Abraham Lincoln Carrier Strike Group

USS Abraham Lincoln (CVN 72)
USS Mobile Bay (CG 53)
USS Russell (DDG 59)
USS Shoup (DDG 86)
USS Momsen (DDG 92)
USS Curts (FFG 38)


Peleliu Expeditionary Strike Group

USS Peleliu (LHA 5)
USS Dubuque (LPD 8)
USS Pearl Harbor (LSD 52)
USS Cape St. George (CG 71)
USS Benfold (DDG 65)
USS Halsey (DDG 97)


In Theater

Ocean 6
FGS Emden (F 210)
HMCS Iroquois (DDH 280)
HMCS Calgary (FFH 335)
FS Enseigne de vaisseau Jacoubet (F794)
FS Mistral (L9013)
USS Oak Hill (LSD 51)
HMS Edinburgh (D97)
HMS Westminster (F237)
HMS Chatham (F87)
HMS Montrose (F236)
HMNZS Te Mana (F111)
USS Scout (MCM 8)
USS Gladiator (MCM 11)
USS Ardent (MCM 12)
USS Dexterous (MCM 13)
HMS Ramsay (M 110)
HMS Blyth (M 111)
HMS Atherstone (M38)
HMS Chiddingfold (M37)

Friday, June 20, 2024

Observing the Resistance to the Paradigm Shift in the DoD

On Wednesday we highlighted an article in the Washington Quarterly by Michael J. Mazarr, a professor of national security strategy at the U.S. National War College. Aptly named The Folly of 'Asymmetric War' we believe this article is very important to the national defense strategy discussion regarding the Paradigm Shift in the DoD towards asymmetrical warfare. The article represents a well articulated position for the resistance movement to that shift that is sure to be cited in future research.

The article well represents the pre-9/11 position favored by Donald Rumsfeld that the US military should altogether avoid peacekeeping operations. The article forwards a perspective that idealogical factors override other conditions that limit the capability of military power to influence an outcome, thus advocates the "use of social, economic, political, informational, and psychological tools of statecraft" as the means to address asymmetrical threats driven by ideology. We have a lot of respect for Professor Mazarr, and we don't disagree with his statement, however we do disagree with his entire premise. We disagree with Professor Mazarr not based on what he saying, rather more for what he completely omitted. Ideology is not the overriding factor controlling conditions, economics is. We observe Professor Mazarr's only nod to the importance of economics was the mention of Thomas Barnett in paragraph four, and we believe economics plays a more dominant role in the Paradigm Shift in the DoD than Professor Mazarr is allowing for.

The resistance movement in the DoD is represented very well in this piece, advocating for a refocus towards hard military power for hedging for war against peer competitors as was required during the cold war. The Paradigm Shift in the DoD is advertised by the resistance movement as the reduction of hard military power capabilities of the US military towards the ways in strategy that produce a less effective fighting force. Citing Clausewitz, Professor Mazarr suggests the US cannot afford to shift towards a posture that contends with limited war, because enemies of the United States will exploit us by waging unlimited war against us in those conditions. Professor Mazarr adds numerous compelling arguments of this nature, all of which we believe will find popularity within those resistant to the DoDs shift, however we observe that the arguments work only absent the attachment of economics as a primary driver towards national defense strategy realignment.

We believe the compelling reason to balance military power towards a force capable of warfighting and peacemaking is rooted in the alignment of national defense strategy and national economic interest. If we do characterize asymmetric warfare as an obscure term that describes military forces engaged in missions from delivering humanitarian relief, conducting special forces operations against terrorists, peacekeeping and peacemaking, counterinsurgency, post conflict reconstruction, and/or nation building; then we must also recognize the Paradigm Shift in the DoD represents a shift in the strategic means to shape forces towards doctrines like COIN (strategic ways) towards the strategic ends of establishing the security environment to promote economic connectivity in a globalized world (strategic context). Ends, Ways, Means, Context.

As a counter to Clausewitz's vision of limited war, we suggest Corbett is more applicable to current conditions the DoD is facing. Today military strategy cannot afford to be solely focused on war, rather must also account for the conditions of what is described as peace today. Using a naval analogy, the struggle during peacetime for a super power like the United States is to recognize that while we enjoy Command of the Sea, Uncommand of the Sea is the natural condition. The impression we get from reading Professor Mazarr's article is that should Paradigm Shift in the DoD occur, the United States would find itself in unable to manage threats by state competitors that take an absolute war approach to our defeat.

We disagree with this position, because we believe such suggestions ignores the truism that the natural order of peacetime is the eventual uncommand of the land, sea, air, and space the United States dominates today. While it is commonplace to hear the difficulties of war, we often ignore the difficulties of peace that creates conditions of prosperity for competitors. Accepting peace and prosperity globally comes with an obligation to also accept the prosperity that creates Uncommand of the land, sea, air, and space (or the perception of contested Command of the land, sea, air, and space by nations) is the natural state of progress. The unique factor of prosperity in todays environment is the interconnected nature of that economic prosperity, and that factor promotes the best possible dissuasion strategy to counter unlimited war, which in the 21st century likely means nuclear war.

We outright reject that if in the face of some extraordinary hostile condition or through some extraordinary mischance the United States will find ourselves without sufficient military strength to contend for command of the land, sea, air and space to a competitor or stronger competitor, and that our nation would therefore be too weak to prevent the enemy gaining such command themselves. We believe these arguments require a negation of the whole theory of war to reach such a conclusion, a conclusion of which at least requires more supporting facts than is given.

We note that if we are using historical examples of ideological struggles, the lessons of the cold war reminds us that in the end, economics triumphs over ideology. Using Islamic terrorism as the ideological example, we note that the nations thriving under economic prosperity through globalization are not the nations where one contemplates future military operations, rather the nations absent economic prosperity through globalization, and we believe Iran is a great example, is where we see the plausable use of military force. This condition suggests investment of military forces towards the ends of establishing conditions that promote global economic connectivity is a wise investment for military power, as it promotes conditions that don't lead to unlimited war as described by Clausewitz.

We believe the United States can evolve the capabilities and metrics for warfighting to maintain sufficient dissuasion and escalation control to prevent absolute war between major powers, while also evolving the capabilities and metrics to expand the peacetime environment through economic connectivity thus reducing the number of state competitors where absolute war would be necessary. Should an aggressive state competitor arise prompting reconsideration to the balanced national defense strategy, we believe that as long as the DoD has not ignored the evolution process towards new warfighting capabilities, the nation will be positioned to retool and adapt to new conditions in that environment.