Monday, June 1, 2024

Congress Gives Roughead an Opportunity

A handful of House lawmakers are playing hardball with the Pentagon regarding the Navy's 30-year shipbuilding plan. No question about it, this is a political trap for the Navy. It is also an opportunity.

From Phillip Ewing at Navy Times.
Rep. Randy Forbes, R-Va., and seven other Republicans on the House Armed Services Committee have filed a “resolution of inquiry” directing Defense Secretary Robert Gates to file a shipbuilding plan.

Forbes’ “resolution of inquiry” is unusual because the Armed Services Committee has only 14 legislative days to consider it before it goes to the floor of the full House — as opposed to a standard resolution, which might sit in committee for months. The full House can reject the measure, but its quick timetable is a way to bring the issue to Congress’ immediate attention.
If it was me, I would submit the same 313-ship plan as last year only reflecting the announced changes Gates has made to date. The result will be another hit for credibility in shipbuilding in the press cycle (hopefully more than one), which is the desired effect. Nothing has been more discredited than the 313-shipbuilding plan, so unless the Navy is going to try to achieve something within the next 2 weeks with this political game, just reset back to yesterday and keep looking towards tomorrow.

If I was advising ADM Roughead, I would find something related to the 313-shipbuilding plan that was signed by Donald Rumsfeld and Admiral Mullen and submit it to Congress with the FY2010 plan. I would do this for specific reasons though.

First, it is time for ADM Gary Roughead to send a clear message who has the helm. If ADM Roughead is going to be man the helm, he needs to put the 313-ship plan in context, which means associate that plan with Rumsfeld and ADM Mullen. I do not care about the sensitivities involved with ADM Mullen being CJCS. The 313-ship plan was his plan, that is just a fact, let him defend it, or even shit on it like everyone else already does. The 313-ship plan was his vision, not ADM Rougheads. ADM Roughead is taking the Navy a new direction and everyone, including these Congressman, know it. If they want to know where we are, do so by first reminding them where we are.

Second, the 313-shipbuilding plan is poison, so to submit it sets expectations of poison, which is a good thing right now. I have a great deal of faith in the men and women engaged in the QDR process. Just in case you haven't heard, or for you industry folks looking for a tip, change is coming and it isn't minor polish on the edges, it is the real deal. I have made it clear that you better read Bob Work (PDF), Frank Hoffman, Robert Rubel (PDF), and CDR Henry J Hendrix. If you haven't been listening, then it is time to do your homework.

Finally, this development gives the Navy leadership a chance to turn a problem into an opportunity. Shipbuilding is the albatross of the Navy discussion right now. The Chief of Naval Operations could barely give an interview before April when Secretary Gates announced his decision regarding the DDG-1000/DDG-51 way ahead, which is revealing in that it highlights just how the single issue of shipbuilding has all but shut down the leadership of the Navy in terms of public credibility and communication. If the QDR process is going to produce significant changes to the Navy's shipbuilding plan while also aligning itself to the maritime strategy, then the Navy can submit an old plan while positioning itself for strategic surprise with a new one.

If done right, that may be just the thing for the CNO to position himself to ask Congress for bit more money for shipbuilding, which everyone in the entire world knows is a necessity if the US Navy is going to remain strong and the US Shipbuilding industry is going to remain afloat.

LCS-2 Now +$252,000 per Ton

It feels like Groundhog Day for the Littoral Combat Ship program.

Keep in mind; we only have several more years of trial and error for these ships before they actually make a deployment. Chris Cavas has the report.
The estimated cost of the first of the Navy’s Littoral Combat Ships rose a modest $6 million over the past year, but the price tag to complete the second LCS jumped $68 million, putting the ship over the $700 million mark, Pentagon budget documents show.

The price to build, outfit and deliver the Freedom (LCS 1) now is $637 million, up from last year’s estimate of $631 million. The ship was delivered to the Navy last September and commissioned in November, but the service and shipbuilder Lockheed Martin will continue to complete the warship well into 2009, as intended.

The price tag for the Independence (LCS 2), however, is pegged by the Navy at $704 million, up from last year’s mark of $636 million. The ship is still under construction at Austal USA in Mobile, Ala., under subcontract from General Dynamics. Initial sea trials are expected to take place this summer, with delivery scheduled for later this year.
With LCS-2 now +$252,000 per ton, assuming 2784 tons, the USS Independence is more expensive per ton than any ship under construction by the US Navy, including a $2.5 billion DDG-51 or a $3.5 billion DDG-1000, and I'm overestimating the costs of both the DDG-51 and DDG-1000 with those estimates.

I don't see how $460 million price cap is in any way realistic. I also still don't see any realistic discussions of the Littoral Combat Ship from anyone inside the Navy.

With the competition competing both designs head to head for awhile, I'm curious how many of each design would need to be purchased at once to reach the $460 million cost cap per ship. I also don't see how Bob Work's suggestion to evolve the design in Blocks will in any way reduce the price of the ships, particularly when static designs are what allows one to estimate costs effectively.

This program is treading water, and as of right now is a small 4 ship program of technology demonstrators. The Navy needs a credible plan regarding the Littoral Combat Ship, because everything the Navy and the Industry is saying about this platform further erodes not only the credibility of the program, but the credibility of leadership.

Notes and Links

The blog will look slightly different as of Tuesday. Not much different, but I have been wanting to rearrange some stuff on the right side of the blog and hope to have time to do that Monday night.

In the spirit of some of the Marine Corps discussions I will be having over the next several days, Herschel Smith is discussing the EFV while Colin Clark is discussing the latest drama with the MV-22. The EFV could be cancelled if the Navy developed a littoral strategy that was realistic to actually infiltrating and operating in a contested littoral. Until then, the EFV may live on. As far as the MV-22 is concerned, this looks like a case where we will see a bunch of smoke, and no fire.

Don't Give up the Ships: A Look at a 200-Ship Navy at the Hudson Institute looked like a good time. I'm a huge fan of Eric Labs, so check out Colin Clark's summary of the event but also head to this link and check out Eric Lab's presentation in PPT linked from the Hudson Institute website.

The Coast Guard has a new official blog: The Coast Guard Compass. Update your RSS and bookmarks. When I went to DC back in March, one of my appointments was with LT Anastacia Thorsson who is the personality behind The Coast Guard Compass. I have more on this later.

Did anyone else notice that the House Foreign Affairs Oversight Subcommittee held testimony on efforts being developed to combat maritime piracy at the Massachusetts Maritime Academy on May 28th. I didn't see much attention given to this, which tells me this was a serious effort by Congress to look into the problem.

I thought this was interesting: 10 Shocking Facts About Modern-Day Pirates.

Finally, from the "taxpayer money at work" category: Navy grant to fund probe of squid and octopus camouflage. It actually sounds very interesting to be honest.

The photo above is the first I have seen with the MV-22s all spaced out on the deck of a LHD.

Photo caption: ATLANTIC OCEAN (May 23, 2024) Sailors aboard the amphibious dock landing ship USS Fort McHenry (LSD 43) watch from the conning station as the military sealift command fleet replenishment oiler USNS John Lenthall (T-AO 189), center, conducts a replenishment at sea with the amphibious assault ship USS Bataan (LHD 5) before Fort McHenry's approach to begin her own connected replenishment with John Lenthall. Fort McHenry is on a scheduled deployment with the Bataan Amphibious Readiness Group (ARG) supporting maritime security operations in the U.S. 5th and 6th Fleet areas of responsibility. (U.S. Navy photo by Mass Communication Specialist 2nd Class Kristopher Wilson/Released)

Is This Really a Post-Naval Era?

The June 2009 issue of Proceedings is out. Submarines. I haven't read most of the articles yet, but I did dive into this article by Barrett Tillman titled Fear and Loathing in the Post-Naval Era. There is a basic question that is asked, one that is less trivial than many Navy officers believe.

Why do we have a Navy? Actually, the article concludes by expanding that question into a better way to phrase the question.
"Why do we still have such a big navy when we hardly ever use it?"
Admittedly, I got stuck thinking about the title, asking the question rhetorically whether we are really in a Post-Naval era? I no longer believe we are living in a Post-Naval era, I believe we did but it ended sometime over the last year. It just looks like it based on what gets printed in the newspapers, and how slow we are to reacting to what the rest of the world is doing. What is often missed, primarily because we are a nation involved in two long land wars, is that every single rising major power is currently expanding their Navy. In the meantime we are struggling to identify the purpose of our Navy during these times, and articulate what our Navy is supposed to be doing during the rise of other Great Powers.

Look at the emerging regional economic powers of the 21st century; China, India, Japan, South Korea, Brazil, Russia, Saudi Arabia; and note that every one of them is rapidly increasing the capability of naval forces. The title is inaccurate, we are emerging from a Post-Naval Era and entering the next Pre-Naval Era, the first big naval era of the 21st century which will be all too obvious by 2020. Most interesting, the next naval era is shaping up to be expeditionary, underwater, and dependent upon space. The biggest question of the next naval era has yet to be answered, and it is the role of surface combatants in the next naval era? That is the big question I have yet to see well defined. With that said, that doesn't answer the question posed in the article. This section reveals the rhetorical question that never gets asked in the article:
No naval actions since 1945 have required combat fleets to protect sea lanes-the very reason navies exist. Instead, light forces have proved most useful, escorting tankers in the Persian Gulf and currently combating pirates off Africa. Meanwhile, only isolated engagements have occurred in odd places at random intervals. In 1967 the Egyptian Navy inaugurated the missile age in war at sea by sinking an Israeli destroyer, but there have been no naval surface-to-surface missile engagements since. In the 1971 Indo-Pakistani clash, the Indians sank a French-built Paki submarine, and one of her sisters torpedoed a British-built Indian destroyer.

More than ten years later off the Falklands, HMS Conqueror torpedoed the 44-year-old cruiser General Belgrano, which had survived the Japanese attack on Pearl Harbor as the USS Phoenix (CL-46). It was the second and last time since World War II that a submarine had sunk an enemy ship.

In 1988, U.S. Navy ships and aircraft conducted Operation Praying Mantis, sinking an Iranian frigate, a gunboat, and three speedboats. The captain of the USS Enterprise (CVN-65) termed it "the largest American sea battle since World War II." Though a grandiose description, it was nonetheless accurate-and remains so today.
Actually, the largest sea battle since World War II is taking place today off the coast of Somalia, and the enemy is winning because we choose not to defeat them, but because naval power is an instrument of policy and the policy is to avoid direct confrontation, naval power is avoiding the direct confrontation necessary to win that fight. The Order of Battle for Operation Praying Mantis included:
OTC: Commander Joint Task Force Middle East
(Embarked on the Coronado) Battle Group Commander:
ComCruDesGru Three (Embarked on the Enterprise)

SAG Bravo:
OSC: ComDesRon Nine (Embarked on the Merrill)
USS Merrill (1 SH-2F)
USS Lynde McCormick
USS Trenton (1 SH-60B)
MAGTF 2-88 (4 AH-IT, 2 UH-1, 2 CH-46)

SAG Charlie:
OSC: CO, USS Wainwright
USS Wainwright
USS Bagley (1 SH-2F)
USS Simpson (1 SH-60B, I UH-60)
SEAL Platoon

SAG Delta:
OSC: ComDesRon Twenty Two (Embarked on the Jack Williams)
USS Jack Williams (2 SH-2F)
USS O'Brien (2 SH-2F, I UH-60)
USS Joseph Strauss
CVW-11 CAP/SUCAP Support
Sorry, but that is nothing compared to the international collection of warships operating off the coast of Somalia. Fighting pirates may not be as sexy as destroying the Iranian Navy, but if the Navy doesn't come to terms with its role dealing with these challenges in the 21st century maritime environment, no one is ever going to articulate a meaningful, relevant answer to the questions posed in this Proceedings article.

While the core question "Why do we still have such a big navy when we hardly ever use it?" is asked, the rhetorical question what kind of Navy do we need today is specifically absent, and yet abundantly present in the details of the article. Lets answer the stated question first.

The US Navy is operating and in use every single day, and the citizens of the United States take that fact for granted. I'm not talking about the obvious use of the US Navy in the Middle East supporting war operations from aircraft carriers, interdicting pirates with a handful of ships and planes, nor operating in the defense of the Iraqi Oil Terminals, all of which represent daily functions of the US Navy obvious to any observer looking for an operational example today. More important is the strategic function of the US Navy today, the poorly articulated and largely misunderstood operational responsibilities that naval forces are engaged in daily supporting SOUTHCOM, PACOM, and EUCOM. The US Navy not only fails to articulate the security and support roles naval forces conduct in these regions, but intentionally conceals the strategic defense role the US Navy performs daily in PACOM.

Just because the New York Times doesn't run an article discussing the ballistic missile deterrence patrols the US Navy conducts every day of the year off the North Korean shore doesn't mean it doesn't exist. Did you know we have at least 2 AEGIS BMD destroyers on station every single day of the year off North Korea? I assure you, North Korea knows. Did you know that for well over a year the same is true off the coast of Iran? I assure you, Iran knows. The Stennis Carrier Battle Group pulled into Pearl Harbor last week as it is returning from a 6 month deployment exclusively in the Pacific theater. Do you honestly believe it was nothing more than a sailing exercise? Unfortunately, due to the complete absence of any strategic communication between the US Navy and the citizens of the United States, the vast majority of citizens can only assume the strategic purpose of that battle groups function as an extension of political policy in the Pacific over the last 6 months.

That, in a nutshell, is the real problem and why the Navy is in real trouble. The leadership of the Navy does not make the case why we still have such a big navy nor does the Navy provide a compelling narrative regarding how it is used. The Stennis CSG is really a perfect example, in this the US Navy has its largest conventional warfare capability and fails to provide a credible narrative regarding its operational use, purpose, or performance in a way that resonates with the taxpayer. No Flag officer should ever complain about the reduction of the number of aircraft carriers under those conditions. The problem is actually even bigger than simply providing a narrative, the credibility of today's Navy leadership is in the toilet thanks to a series of poor choices made in the public discussions of the Navy regarding shipbuilding. For the Navy, that means just to get to the point where a strategic concept can be articulated with a meaningful narrative, the Navy has to rebuild the image of the folks who speak for the Navy.

Which leads to yet another problem, the Navy doesn't have any credible evangelists who articulate a relevant strategic concept that is being sold to the public to start with. That suggests one of two big problems during the emerging Pre-Naval Era: either the evangelist doesn't exist, or the strategic concept doesn't exist. It is going to be very difficult to build a fleet able to meet the obligations of a superpower if one of those doesn't exist, nevermind if neither exists. Luckily, and I will discuss this on Wednesday, the Navy does have at least one active duty evangelist (at least among navalists), and if Ray Mabus decides to unleash Bob Work to the media, the Navy will have another evangelist with Bob.

If we are indeed entering a Pre-Naval Era, as I believe we are, lets look at the rhetorical question regarding what kind of Navy we need.

The first strategic question that must be answered is what roles will the US Navy need to perform. The correct answer is all roles, because superpowers have to be just about everything to just about everyone, which is also why superpowers are always unpopular with someone. In tangible terms that means the US Navy requires a balanced force for meeting the challenges at the high end of warfare all the way down to the global maintenance of peacetime, and must articulate the role of naval forces operating at every point in between. It begins by explaining the role of global commerce and maritime trade and works all the way to defending the country in all out nuclear war.

The necessity to articulate the strategic value of naval forces as an instrument of policy on land, sea, air, space, and cyberspace to meet the requirements of political policy is the single most important aspect of the Navy's strategic concept. If you can't articulate your capabilities in every situation, how can one be prepared to execute actions in support of meeting the political requirements in providing those capabilities?

The second strategic question that must be answered is how every role required of the Navy will be met. In alignment with the existing maritime strategic concept and the existing national defense strategy, Joint service, inter-agency, international partnership is always the desired course of action with an asterisk that reserves the right to act independently as necessary. The US Navy should never attempt to fill the role of global maritime sheriff, but should always sit on the global maritime city council while also executing national strategic interests independent of partnerships when necessary. This position is directly inline with the political policies of the United States over the last several decades, including the existing approach to managing unsecured maritime spaces like off Somalia today, or even tracking movements of submarines off the coast of China.

The third strategic question, which people mistakenly try to make most important, is the question regarding emerging powers... specifically China. What is the strategic threat posed by China to the United States in the 21st century? Given the economic relationship, all out direct nuclear war seems remote, unlikely, and even absurd to suggest as of today. China is not a direct strategic threat to the United States today, and I see no evidence China is developing itself into one. What China does represent however, is the biggest threat to the interests of the United States globally, although that threat is largely regional to the Pacific. The strategic defense relationship between the United States and China is exactly the same as the relationship being executed from the point of view of China towards the United States; it is a relationship based on the strategic theory of dissuasion. Just as China is developing a military capability to dissuade the United States from conducting military operations against China, the United States Navy must develop and maintain the capabilities necessary to dissuade China from acting militarily against regional countries China has territorial or economic disputes with.

China seeks to replace the US as the global hegemon in the 21st century, but China is also yet to prove it has the maturity to do so as they continue to attempt to redefine the global international legal frameworks, particularly at sea, to meet what has clearly become an expansionist ambition towards previously governed territories. Until China proves that the relationship with the world is purely non-military competition, the relationship between the US and China will feel contentious, often strained.

Dissuasion of territorial expansion while working towards increased global maritime security cooperation is the strategy for dealing with all emerging Great Powers, including China or Russia. The strategy must align the direction of the US Navy towards meeting both objectives. Articulating both objectives clearly is important because in this way, dissuasion of emerging Great Powers is the high end force development just as maritime security cooperation is the low end force development in executing a balanced strategy, and simply saying peace through strength no matter how accurate the phrase may sound, is simply not enough to be clear on the requirements to meet both ends of the strategy simultaneously.

The fourth strategic question asks how we manage the maritime security challenges of the 21st century during a period of rapidly growing global maritime populations. It is no longer enough to note how many people live within 200 miles of the sea, no matter how large that population may be, because the population on the sea itself is rapidly expanding as part of the effort to feed a rapidly growing global population on land. China will have 220,000 registered fishing boats by 2010. Off Somalia, there are around 6000 fishing vessels at sea every day, and over 600 foreign fishing boats illegally fishing in Somali waters annually. These are just a few examples of how the littorals are becoming a complex human terrain that will substantially increase the difficulty of dealing with Hybrid Threats at sea. The trends for the number of fishing and other boats populating the sea globally are all going up, and nothing short of disaster resulting in enormous loss of human life globally will buck these trends.

The rapidly growing population on the sea is the single greatest challenge to maritime security in the 21st century maritime domain, and on a planet that is 70% covered with water, we are going to need an enormous number of operational platforms, mostly smaller, to meet the security demands of this globally expanding population. This point is never articulated well by the Navy, but the day it is will be the day naval leadership embraces the necessity of Sea Basing as a strategic naval concept for logistically supporting littoral operations as opposed to just as an expeditionary operations logistics concept for moving amphibious forces to land.

And more importantly, that will also be the day the Navy can explain why they need a bunch of capable, albeit smaller vessels to disperse and operate in the global ungoverned maritime spaces where security is required to protect our national interests, and why all of our emerging partners do as well. In fact, one of the huge missing capabilities of US Naval forces today is the ability to rapidly stand up an effective Coast Guard in another country. Building partnership capacity is part of the end of strategy, and sometimes that model will build existing capability, and sometimes it may include building from a non-existing starting point.

Partnerships alone will never meet the growing global demand for presence, but as we develop new partners who we can develop capabilities in any specific region, we will be more effective in organizing our own forces globally.

A shift, or balance, of US naval capabilities meeting these security challenges as well as dissuading emerging Great Powers must align to answer all four strategic questions facing the demand for naval forces today. If today's US Navy leadership can't articulate a coherent answer to the questions posed in this Proceedings article in less than the 60 second attention span of Joe or Jane American citizen, the self licking ice cream cone of an "I exist, therefore I should exist" mentality will eventually result in a Congressionally sponsored rapid decline of the US Navy regardless of whether or not we are entering the first Pre-Naval Era of the 21st century.

Amphibious Operations and Sea Basing

The Marine Corps has released this paper, Amphibious Operations in the 21st Century (PDF) dated March 18, 2009, to inspire an intellectual renaissance in amphibious thinking and innovation. It has a companion paper, Sea Basing for the Range of Military Operations (PDF) dated March 26, 2009, a working draft that describes the use of seabasing for the range of operations as the Marines continue to formalize the concept into doctrine.

There are a bunch of ways to look at these articles, so I encourage anyone interested in Naval Operations or Marine Corps operations to read both and leave your impressions in the comments or on your own blog. Clearly I'll have more than one post on these two papers over time.

The two papers are very different. The amphibious operations paper is a solicitation of ideas, where as the Sea Basing paper is a pitch for a concept of operations. I really like the way the amphibious operations paper is put together, and I only see one flaw. I absolutely agree that OMFTS offers a substantially different way of thinking about amphibious operations, but it must be noted that it is only made possible by U.S. naval superiority and the amphibious operations paper skips the most important part of that enormous caveat.

The Navy has outright rejected, as in a full retreat at flank speed, operational requirements to command the surface of the water within 25 nautical miles of the coast, and in my opinion, has rejected intellectual evaluation of the requirements of the littoral in general by completely ignoring the effects of the local population on the sea. To this day, there is still zero evidence the Navy sees value in any warship capable of actual combat below the 9000 ton Burke class, and there remains persistent insistence by otherwise intelligent people that the Littoral Combat Ship, a barely armed thin skinned mothership, is somehow a littoral solution when the actual combat capabilities of unmanned systems is a fleet solution in every operational environment, nothing specific to the littorals whatsoever. If anything, the LCS is horribly designed for the littoral being too big, too expensive, too few, and poorly designed for the threat level most likely encountered. The Sea Lion makes more sense in the Littorals than the LCS, and the L in the LCS stands for "littoral"!

As far as I am concerned, until someone high up in the policy office sticks their boot up the ass of an important SWO and says 'control the littorals including that 25nm distance your doctrine currently ignores,' amphibious operations do not exist in contested environments, no matter how much flanking capability and speed the Marines build into their systems. Any Admiral making the intellectual argument of OTH control within 25 nautical miles of shore in the populated, contested littorals should be looked at in the context of the Army General in his fat FOB outside Baghdad in 2004 telling the President "everything is OK sir!" His buddy, the Admiral who talks about the ScanEagle identifying which fishing boat is friend and foe from 12,000 ft is the Air Force General preaching about the qualities of the F-22 in the fight against Al Qaeda.

Until the Navy operates sailors in the littorals, a necessity the Navy doesn't have any comprehensive strategic public discussion for today, amphibious operations by the Marine Corps does not exist in any but the most permissive environments. If I was the Marines, I would trade the EFV for a ~600 ton near shore corvette that can deploy a squad by rubber boat, and tell the Navy you want to operate these corvettes in squadrons of 4 and 16 as platoons and Companies. I would inform them that instead of fire support, the Marine Corps module for the LCS will be the C2 node for maneuvering these Marine Corps littoral corvettes, which when partnered with the Coast Guard bring a security solution to any operational environment. Bring the Marine vehicles and equipment in on JHSVs instead of using EFVs and increase your near shore fire support with the corvettes, because until the US Navy is under better strategic management the Marines are going to need to build their own inshore Navy if they want to conduct amphibious operations in the contested littorals. May sound sad, but without the prior mentioned boot up SWO ass, it is absolutely true.

And for the record, a long range deployable stealth RHIB that can do 25 knots back and forth from over 25nm, or even operate for a few days inside someones 25nm threat zone, is something we could be doing with technology today. We simply choose not to focus our attention on these types of things. It is a lot easier to make a stealth RHIB that can avoid ASMs than it is to build $5 billion destroyers displacing 14,500 tons. How about some realism in littoral warfare for a change from the SWOs? The Marine Corps better demand exactly that if they are serious about amphibious operations in the 21st century.

I like this amphibious operations paper. It is a call for ideas, and only whiffs on that 25nm littoral issue. Otherwise, good stuff.

Now lets look at the Sea Basing paper. Anytime a paper has a section titled "10-30-30 and the MCO Myopia" let me just say, HELL YES. The Sea Basing paper addresses “10-30-30”.
In 2002, a Joint Staff planning effort titled “Operational Availability 2003” examined the ability of the United States to achieve rapid victory in two nearly simultaneous MCOs. The Joint Staff concluded that U.S. forces should strive to “seize the initiative” within 10 days, accomplish initial “swiftly defeat” objectives versus one enemy within 30 days, and then commence “swiftly defeat” operations versus a second enemy in another theater within another 30 days. This became known as the “10-30-30” metric and was subsequently formalized by OSD in Strategic Planning Guidance. This emphasis on strategic speed to conduct multiple MCOs diverted intellectual rigor away from the blend of capabilities required to conduct a range of operations, leading one informed observer to remark “a decade or more of thinking about the strategic and operational implications of uncertain access and the need to improve joint sea-based maneuver options had come down to this: a single-minded DoN pursuit for an ability to conduct a brigade sized forcible entry in approximately ten days.”
That last quote comes from Bob Work, in Chapter 5 regarding Sea Basing of Newport Paper #26 (PDF). It is a breath of fresh air to see the Marine Corps come out and say “10-30-30” needs to take a hike. I contend the “10-30-30” metric has resulted in a decade of poor strategic thinking, and without question the way it has driven the operational side of Sea Basing development has resulted in a limited approach towards a Sea Basing concept. A real concern for the Marines should be how many bad ideas were sold into good ideas while being derived from such a terrible benchmark metric? In the opinion of many experts who have worked with the MSC, the MLP as designed looks like a poster child for poorly designed logistics. Will the MLP be able to evacuate a seriously damaged major surface combatant like the Mighty Servant II did with the USS Cole (DDG 67)? Wouldn't salvage qualify as a function of a sea base?

The Sea Basing paper hangs its hat in the end on the Expeditionary Warrior 2009 annual exercise in regards to the use of seabasing for the range of operations, further formalizing the concept as doctrine. One problem, according to InsideTheNavy published February 23, 2024 titled Marine Corps’ annual war game finds . . . SEABASING CONCEPT LACKS COMMON UNDERSTANDING, NEEDS UPDATING, there is still confusion regarding what Sea Basing is.
The game, dubbed “Expeditionary Warrior 2009,” revealed a lack of a common shared understanding of what seabasing entails, with some thinking of it more as a physical base at sea rather than a collection of ships that enable forcible entry or operation ashore without the assistance of a host nation, Lt. Col. Reid Bessenger, the operations officer of the wargaming division at the Marine Corps Warfighting Lab, said.

“It’s awfully difficult to get beyond that point if you don’t have a common baseline,” Bessenger said.

Bessenger said the game also appeared to show that additional information sharing requirements are needed for a joint seabasing operation involving international partners. It revealed the need for updating the seabasing concept of operations and development of more specific plans for how to leverage the seabase for foreign internal defense and counterinsurgency (FID/COIN) operations, the focus on this year’s war game held Feb. 2 to Feb. 6 in Maryland.
Logistics. Logistics. Logistics. Or is it? What does a sea base fighting piracy off Somalia look like? What does a Sea Base fighting Al Qaeda off the Sudan look like? What does a Sea Base supporting the collapse of North Korea look like? What does a Sea Base supporting the nuclear detonation in a modern major port city look like? Logistics is only part of the story, and forward operating bases perform a function further than a port in the middle of the ocean. Where is the landing pad for the 2nd Brigade, 101st Airborne Division? What, the "Joint" Sea Base cannot support an Army unit? Until Sea Basing has easily understood answers for what I think are pretty basic questions, "Joint" Sea Basing is a concept far from doctrine. I kind of wish the Marine Corps would have written this Sea Basing document like they did the Amphibious Operations document, specifically in the context of asking questions instead of stating answers.

For those looking for more information, there are new Sea Basing materials at the Marines new Sea Basing website. By the way, in some of the new documents on that page, it looks like the composition of the Sea Base has evolved towards only 3-4 ships operating within a more traditional amphibious readiness group organization. Something to check out.